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AND  THE 


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FRENCH  PRE-RENAISSANCE 


BY 


ALMA  DE  L.   LE  DUG 


Shbmitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements  for 

THE  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  in  the  Faculty 

OF  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


Rcpiiiuiu  u<jui  the  Romanic  Review,  Vol.  VII,  No.  4,  414-457,  1916: 
Vol.  VIII,  No.  2,  145-165,  and  No.  3,  290-306,  1917 


NEW   YORK 

U)r8 


EXCHANGE 


GONTIER  COL 

AND   THE 

FRENCH   PRE-RENAISSANCE 


(.Vci^-^^''^ 


GONTIER  COL 

AND  THE 

FRENCH  PRE-RENAISSANCE 


BY 

ALMA  DE  L.  LE  DUC 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements  for 

THE  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  in  the  Faculty 

OF  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


Reprinted  from  the  Romanic  Review,  Vo'.  VIL  Nc.  4,  414-4^7,  1916; 
Vol.  VIII,  No.  2,  145-165.  and  No.' 3,  290-306,  191-; 


NEW  YORK 
1918 


PREFACE 

My  interest  in  the  French  Pre-Renaissance  was  first  awakened 
by  a  course  on  the  Renaissance  in  France,  given  by  Professor  T.  A. 
Jenkins,  at  the  University  of  Chicago,  in  1 906-1 907.  The  phase 
of  the  subject  on  which  I  have  written  did  not,  however,  take  defi- 
nite shape  until  1909-19 10,  while  studying  at  the  Sorbonne,  where 
I  attended  courses  given  by  M.  Antoine  Thomas,  whose  thesis, 
De  Joannis  de  Monsterolio,  vita  et  operihus,  helped  me  to  define  my 
own  subject.  I  here  desire  to  express  my  obligation  to  M.  Thomas 
for  his  kindness  in  putting  at  my  disposal  unpublished  material  col- 
lected by  him,  on  Ambrosius  de  Miliis,  which  I  have  incorporated 
in  my  dissertation.  I  also  wish  to  express  my  obligation  to  M. 
Roy,  conseiller  a  la  Cour  des  Comptes  de  Paris,  for  some  material 
on  the  subject  of  Gontier  Col;  and  to  M.  Prou,  directeur  de  I'Ecole 
des  Chartes,  for  so  kindly  answering  my  inquiries  about  Sens.  I 
am  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  thank  these  distinguished  French 
scholars  who,  despite  the  grave  matters  that  occupied  them,  have 
taken  time  to  give  me  the  information  I  desired. 

Finally,  I  would  express  my  thanks  to  the  members  of  the  Ro- 
mance Department  of  Columbia  University;  especially  to  Professor 
H.  A,  Todd  for  his  constant  help  and  for  his  careful  reading  of  my 
dissertation  in  proof-sheets,  and  to  Professor  John  L.  Gerig,  for 
putting  at  my  disposal  bibliographical  and  other  data,  and  for  help- 
ing me  solve  certain  problems  of  presentation.  My  thanks  are  also 
due  to  Professor  John  M.  Burnam,  of  the  University  of  Cincinnati, 
for  kindly  consenting  to  read  my  transcription  of  the  Latin  ms. 
letter  in  the  Tours  library;  and  to  Miss  I.  G.  Mudge,  reference 
librarian  of  Columbia  University,  for  her  generous  help  in  the 
bibliographical  field,  and  for  reading  the  bibliography  in  proof. 

One  word  in  conclusion.  The  texts  of  the  passages  published 
in  my  dissertation,  and  drawn  from  various  sources,  have  been 
printed  as  they  were  found :  they  have  not  been  modernized. 

A.  DE  L.  L.  D. 

Columbia  University, 
April,  1916. 


384735 


CONTENTS 
Part  I — Official  and  Diplomatic  Career 

Pack 

Introduction    i 

I.  Early  life;  fiscal  position;  Col  becomes  notary  and  sec- 
retary to  King  Charles  VI 2 

II.  Gontier  Col  goes  to  Avignon  in  1395  as  secretary  of  the 

embassy  of  the  Dukes  of  Berry,  Burgundy  and  Orleans  1 1 

III.  Gontier  Col  and  his  patrons,  the  Dukes  of  Berry  and 

Orleans 16 

IV.  Col  on  embassies  concerned  with  the  marriage  and  later 

with  the  return  to  France  of  Isabella.     Embassy  to 

Florence   20 

V.  Treasurer   and   diplomatic  agent;   banishment    (1401- 

1413)    24 

VI.  Embassy  to  the  duke  of  Brittany  (1414)    29 

VII.  Winchester  Week  (141 5)   34 

VIII.  Last  years  and  death 42 

Part  II — Literary  Activities 

I.  Gontier  Col  and  the  Quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose .  45 

II.  Gontier  Col,  a  member  of  the  "  Cour  Amoureuse  "  .  . . .  53 

III.  Col's  role  in  the  quarrel  between  Jehan  de  Monstereul 

and  Ambrosius  de  Miliis 58 

IV.  The  Question  of  the  Citrial 65 

V.  Group  aspect  of  contemporary  literature 68 

VI.  The  role  of  the  "  negociateur  "  in  the  early  Renaissance  78 

VII.  Conclusion 79 

Appendices   82 

Bibliography    95 

Name-index    102 


GONTIER  COL  AND  THE  FRENCH  PRE-RENAISSANCE 


PART  I.— OFFICIAL  AND  DIPLOMATIC  CAREER 
INTRODUCTION. 

TOWARDS  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  there  appeared 
in  France  a  small  group  of  literary  men,  the  best  known  of 
whom  is  Jehan  de  Monstereul.^  Together  with  his  two  friends, 
Nicolas  de  Clamenges  and  Gontier  Col,  Jehan  de  Monstereul  forms 
the  nucleus  of  a  movement  inspired  by  a  deep  admiration  for  the 
writers  of  antiquity  and  the  Renaissance  that  was  beginning  in  Italy. 
France  produced  no  immediate  successors  to  this  group,  and  she  had 
to  wait  about  a  century  for  her  Renaissance,  a  fact  that  has  often 
been  put  down  to  the  prevalence  of  troublous  times.  That  explana- 
tion has  not  proved  satisfactory  to  all  critics,  some  of  whom  claim 
that  political  conditions  in  Italy  were  equally  troubled.  In  face  of 
the  lack  of  convincing  evidence,  it  would  be  idle  to  speculate  as  to 
how  far  the  temporary  failure  of  the  movement  in  France  may  have 
been  due  to  the  fact  that  two  of  the  prime  movers  were  of  the 
Armagnac  party  and  lost  their  lives  because  of  political  animosities. 
Irrespective  of  results,  they  hold  a  place  in  the  history  of  the  incep- 
tion of  the  Renaissance  idea  in  France.  One  of  the  chief  of  these,  as 
has  already  been  said,  is  Gontier  Col,  whose  career  shows  an  interest- 
ing parallel  to  that  of  his  life-long  friend,  Jean  de  Monstereul,  best 
known  of  the  Pre-Renaissance  group  and  according  to  some  authori- 
ties the  only  real  Pre-Humanist  in  France.  Both  men  acted  as  sec- 
retary to  Charles  VI,  both  were  inspired  by  a  great  love  for  classical 
antiquity,  both  had  come  in  contact  with  Italian  Humanism,  both 
were  Armagnacs,  and  both  were  murdered,  it  is  believed,  by  the 
Burgundians  in  Paris  in  1418.  Their  lives  paralleled  somewhat  that 
of  their  contemporary  and  acquaintance,  the  Italian  Humanist, 
Coluccio  Salutato,  Petrarch's  friend.  He  too  was  a  diplomat,  the 
secretary  of  two  Popes  (Urban  II  and  Gregory  XI),  and  employed 

1  For  the  form  of  this  name  see  A.  Thomas,  Le  nom  et  la  famille  de  Jehan 
de  Monstereul  in  Romania,  vol.  37  (1908),  p.  594,  note  i. 

I 


in  the  service  of  the  Republic  of  Venice;  and  his  influence,  like  that 
of  Col,  was  felt  chiefly  thru  his  personal  relations  with  the  men 
of  the  time  and  thru  his  correspondence,  neither  of  these  men  hav- 
ing left  works  of  a  purely  literary  character — unless  we  except  Col's 
letters  in  the  "  Debat  du  Roman  de  la  Rose,"  the  role  he  played  in 
that  quarrel  being  fairly  well  known.  The  fact  is  that  Col  is  remem- 
bered— by  those  few  modern  readers  who  remember  him  at  all — as 
the  man  who  wrote  some  rude  letters  to  Christine  de  Pisan. 

The  reputation  that  Col  had  among  his  contemporaries  was  a 
very  different  one,  as  is  shown,  for  instance,  by  the  Religieux  de  St. 
Denis, ^  who  speaks  of  him  as  a  man  of  much  learning  and  as  one 
whose  trustworthiness  had  been  tested ;  and  this  opinion  is  reflected 
by  Petit  de  JuUeville  :^ 

"  Ce  fut  un  etrange  personnage  que  ce  Gontier  Col  et  sa  vie  est 
pour  nous  un  exemple  admirable  de  simplicite  et  de  modestie.  Qui 
croirait  que  ce  personnage  si  peu  connu  a  ete  employe  dans  les  am- 
bassades  les  plus  serieuses,  dans  les  missions  les  plus  considerables?" 

This  modesty  of  Col's  perhaps  explains  why  a  man  should  come 
down  to  posterity  bracketed  with  a  passing  incident,  when  some  of 
his  real  services  to  his  country  and  to  the  development  of  the  times 
had  been  overlooked.  This  does  not  mean  that  Col  was  a  great  man. 
As  has  often  been  said,  however,  the  tendencies  of  the  times  fre- 
quently show  themselves  more  clearly  in  the  minor  personages  of  an 
epoch  than  in  the  geniuses ;  accordingly  in  the  career  of  this  Human- 
ist and  diplomat  we  may  be  able  to  bring  to  light  some  of  the  im- 
portant characteristics  and  tendencies  of  the  Pre-Renaissance  in 
France. 

I. — Early  Life;  Fiscal  Position;  Col  becomes  Notary  and 
Secretary  to  King  Charles  VI 

Gontier  Col  was  born  at  Sens  in  the  departement  de  I'Yonne. 
The  exact  date  is  not  known,  there  being  no  parish  records  at  Sens 
before  the  i6th  century,  but  an  approximation  may  be  reached  by 

2  Religieux  de  St.  Denis.  Cronicorum  Caroli  Scxti  (Paris,  1896-1902),  vol. 
iii,  p.  3.  For  the  Religieux  de  Saint  Denis  see:  N.  Valois,  Jacques  de  Nouvion 
et  le  Religieux  de  St.  Denis.  Bibliothdque  de  I'Ecole  des  Chartes,  vol.  63,  p.  233, 
Paris,  1902. 

'  Revue  des  cours  et  conferences.  1896,  p.  542. 


3 

means  of  certain  comparisons.^  The  first  precise  date  I  have  found 
with  reference  to  Col  is  1379,^*  when  he  is  Hsted  as  "receveur  des 
aides,"  a  rather  subordinate  position.  He  was  killed  in  1418,^  which 
would  make  a  career  of  some  thirty-nine  years,  based  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  1379  was  the  date  of  Col's  first  appointment.  His  most 
intimate  friend  and  contemporary,  Jean  de  Monstereul,  was 
born  in  1354,"^  and  was  also  killed  by  the  Burgundians  in  1418.® 
Monstereul's  first  appointment  of  which  there  is  any  record  dates 
from  1375.°  It  is  probable  that  he  was  secretary  to  Charles  VI  as 
early  as  1389,^°  and  there  is  positive  proof  that  he  held  that  post  in 
1394,"  Cc^l  had  a  similar  appointment,  possibly  about  1387;^^  he 
certainly  had  a  similar  one  in  1393.  So  that  it  seems  that  Col  was 
born  between  1350  and  1360.  In  the  Hght  of  certain  documents 
found  by  him,  M.  Roy  fixes  the  date  more  closely  than  this.^*  In 
1435  Marguerite  Chacerat,  Col's  widow,  was  about  sixty-two.  Her 
marriage  to  Col  might  very  well  have  taken  place  about  1 388-1390, 
and  that,  together  with  Col's  position  in  1379,  has  led  M.  Roy  to 
place  the  probable  date  of  Col's  birth  as  circa  1354. 

Gontier  Col's  name  is  found  spelled  in  a  variety  of  ways,  the 
most  fantastic  forms  occurring  in  Rymer  and  Monstrelet.  Some 
of  them,  such  as  Gautier,  Gaultier,  Goulthier,  are  probably  due  to 
mere  blundering  on  the  part  of  the  scribes.  Even  the  surname  Col, 
which  is  a  fairly  simple  monosyllable,  appears  as  Coll,  Colle,  Coh, 
Coel,  and  Call.  The  name  is  rather  an  unusual  one  in  France  in 
the  fourteenth  century.     Besides  Col's  immediate  family,  we  find 

*  A.  Thomas,  De  Joannis  de  Monsterolio  vita  et  operibus,  Parisiis,  1883,  p.  80. 
U.  Chevalier,  Repertoire  des  sources  historiques  du  moyen  age,  Bio-bibliographie, 
1905-1907,  article  Gontier  Col.  M.  Quantin,  Dictionnaire  topographique  du 
departemcnt  de  I'Yonne,  Paris,  1862,  p.  122. 

5  L.  Delisle,  Mandcvients  ct  actcs  divers  de  Charles  V,  Paris,  1874,  No.  1869. 
p.  914. 

8  Sauval,  Antiquitcs  de  Paris,  Paris,  1724,  vol.  3,  p.  304.  A.  Thomas,  op. 
cit,  p.  81. 

^  A.  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  p.  4. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  13. 

0  Ibid.,  p.  6. 

^°  Ibid.,  p.  6,  note  4. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  8. 

1-  See  p.  8,  infra. 

IS  Archives  de  I'Yonne,  H  528. 


one  Simon  Col,  a  trumpeter  of  the  King  (1364)^^  mentioned  by 
Machaut,  and  a  certain  Marie  Col,  whose  connection  with  the  Col 
family,  if  any,  is  not  apparent. ^'^  There  are  also  two  curious  refer- 
ences to  a  certain  Gaulthier  or  Walter  Col,  in  the  service  of  the 
English  King  as  "  Connetable  de  Bordeaux"  in  1439,  and  as  Eng- 
lish diplomatic  agent  treating  with  the  French  in  1441.^^  The  king 
he  serves  and  the  date  preclude  the  possibility  of  this  being  our  Gon- 
tier  Col  (died  1418),  and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  our  Gontier 
had  a  son  of  that  name. 

References  are  found  to  several  children  of  Gontier  Col's.  One, 
a  daughter,  married  a  certain  Charles  de  Beaumoulin.^''^  The  wed- 
ding took  place  between  the  twent}^-sixth  of  February  and  the  fif- 
teenth of  April,  1401-02,  and,  according  to  M.  Roy,  the  Queen  gave 
the  bride  "  XX  marcs  d'argent  dore."^®  That  the  wedding  was  cele- 
brated with  great  pomp  and  circumstance  is  shown  by  the  presence 
at  the  wedding  of  three  kings,  seventeen  dukes  and  counts  and 
twenty-two  prelates.  Another  daughter  of  Gontier  Col,  Catherine 
by  name,  married  an  "escuier  du  roy"  by  the  name  of  Jean  Spi- 
fame.^®     Gontier  also  had  two  sons,  John  and  Nicolas,  possibly 

^*  F.  J.  Fetis,  Biographic  Univcrselle  dcs  Musiciens,  vol.  II,  p.  332. 

^"^  See  Th.  Carte,  Catalogue  des  Rolles  Gascons,  Normands  et  Frangois, 
conserves  dans  les  Archives  de  la  Tour  de  Londres.  A  Londres  et  se  trouve  k 
Parts  (1643),  vol.  I.  Rotulus  Normanniae  de  anno  8.  Henrici  V,  Pars  3.  Mem- 
brana  24,  p.  354.     (An.  Dom.  1420,  1421.)     De  terris  concessis  Mariae  Col. 

^^  J.  Delpit,  Collection  ghierale  des  documents  frangais  qui  se  trouvent  en 
Angleterre,  Paris,  1847,  vol.  i,  p.  257;  J.  Tardif,  Monuments  historiques,  Paris, 
1866,  p.  464. 

^^  Poree,  Histoire  des  rues  et  dcs  maisons  de  Sens,  Auxerre,  1915,  p.  21,  note 
5:  "  Mon  cousin  maistre  Nicolas  Col  me  fait  maistre  an  escript,  le  IX*  jour  de 
juillet  mil  WW  soixante-et-onze  que  maistre  Jehan  Col,  son  frere  estoit  trespasse 
depuis  (que)  maistre  Gonthier  Col,  leur  pere  deulx  ans  depuys ;  et  que  son 
pere  avoit  donne  en  mariage  a  sa  soeur,  qui  esposa  messire  Charlies  de  Beau- 
moulin  quatre  mille  escuz  d'or  et  cent  livres  de  rente  et  cj-  costa  sa  vesture  et 
ces  abillemens  pour  ces  dictes  noces  .XXII  cens  et  XI  escuz  d'or;  et  que  la 
mere  a  Marguerite  Spifame  femme  a  present  de  Jaquet  Le  Mercier  dit  du 
Moulin,  ot  en  mariage  douze  cens  escuz  d'or  et  le  chappiau  d'or  <iui  fut  prise 
quatre  cens  escuz  d'or  et  la  coiflfe  de  perlez  et  la  sainture  d'or,  et  fut  vestue  tres 
honnorablement.  Et  que  il  y  avait  en  au  nosses  de  sa  soeur  et  de  messire 
Charlies  trois  roys,  XVII  que  ducz  que  comtes  et  XXII  prelas  "  {Arch.  Yonne, 
E  300,  fol.  137  v"). 

18  See  App.  A.     This  reference  I  owe  to  the  kindness  of  M.  Roj'. 

19  A.  Thomas,  Romania,  vol.  37  (1908),  p.  598,  n.  i.  Douet  D'Arcq,  Choix 
de  Pieces  inedites  relatives  au  rcgne  de  Charles  VI,  Paris,  1863-64,  vol.  I,  p.  426: 


5 

named  after  Col's  two  closest  friends,  Jehan  de  Monstereul  and 
Nicolas  de  Clamenges.  John,  the  eldest,^"  became  a  churchman  like 
his  uncle  Pierre  Col  the  Canon^^  (of  whom  later),  and  Nicolas,  born 
in  1397,  who  became  maitre  des  requestes  de  I'hotcl  et  prevot  de 
Sens^^  and  seigneur  de  Paron  as  his  father  had  been  before  him.^^ 
Gontier  Col  was  married  about  1390  to  Marguerite  Chacerat,^^  the 
daughter  of  Jean  Chacerat,  a  rich  merchant  and  draper  of  Sens,^' 

"Jehan  Spifame,  escuier";  p.  428:  "Jehan  Spifame,  escuier,  cappitaine  de 
Conflans-Saincte-Honorine,"  Paris,  24  mars.  1421.  E.  Raunie,  Epitaphier  du 
Vieux  Paris  (Paris,  1893),  II,  p.  2>77-  M.  Roy,  Le  Chestioy-les-Sens,  Histoire  d'un 
fief  et  de  ses  seigneurs,  Sens,  1901,  p.  32. 

'^'^  Bulletin  du  Comite  Historique,  1851-1852,  p.  93.  In  a  letter  ascribed  to 
Col  because  of  internal  evidence  altho  not  signed  by  him,  he  asks  of  the  Pope  a 
boon  for  his  son,  to  cover  the  educational  expenses  of  the  boy,  in  viev^r  of  his 
ardor  for  learning,  his  great  devotion  to  the  Church,  and  his  unmistakable  voca- 
tion for  a  religious  life.  In  this  letter  Col  mentions  his  own  services  to  the 
French  King  and  to  the  Pope.     Poree,  op.  cit.,  pp.  21-22. 

21  Nicolas  de  Clamenges,  Opera  Omnia,  Lydius  edition,  p.  307.  Epist.  CX. : 
"  Audieram  iam  Petrum  Colli  germanum  tuum  constantiae  esse,  de  cuius  ex  tarn 
diuturna  ac  remotissima  peregrinarum  regionum  visitatione  salutarique  reditu 
atque  sospitate  tecum  vehementissime  guadeo,"  etc.  L.  Mirot:  Les  d'Orgemont, 
Paris,  1913,  p.  223,  n.  2,  mentions  him,  in  1417,  as  follovi^s :  "  Pierre  d'Orgemont 
.  .  .  fut  remis  en  liberte  ...  a  condition  d'habiter  dans  la  maison  claustrale  de 
Pierre  Col."  The  index  of  Mirot's  work  contains  two  more  references  to  Jean 
Col  (under  the  rubric:  P.  Col),  which  are  as  follows: 

Die  martis  sequenti,  vicesima  octava  aprilis,  congregatis  ad  sonum  campane 
et  convenientibus  in  capitulo  dominis  Jacobo  Trousselli,  archidiacono  Parisiensi. 
.  .  .  Johanne  Colli,  canonicis  Parisiensibus,  etc.  (Op.  cit.,  p.  263.  Proces  de 
Nicolas  d'Orgemont.     28  avril.) 

Die  jovis  de  mane,  etc.  .  .  .  Et  ibidem  ipse  magister  Nicolaus  descendit  et 
carceres  capitali  intravit  et  fuit  rasus  in  tonsura  diaconi  vel  quasi:  postmodum 
ad  auditorium  ad  barram  adductus  et  ibidem  per  dominos.  .  .  .  presentibus  domi- 
nis. .  .  .  Johanne  Colli,  canonicis  Parisiensibus.  (Op.  cit.,  p.  265.  Proces  de 
Nicolas  d'Orgemont.     30  avril.) 

Might  not  this  be  Jean  Col,  Gontier's  son,  concerning  whom  he  wrote  to 
the  Pope  asking  for  a  living  for  him?  As  to  Pierre  Col's  connection  with  the 
quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose,  see  chapter  on  that  subject,  infra. 

22  Roy,  op.  cit.,  p.  33 ;  Poree,  op.  cit.,  p.  22 ;  D'Hozier,  Bibliothcque  Nationale, 
Pieces  originates,  vol.  807.    Piece  7. 

23  P.  Quesvers  et  H.  Stein,  Inscriptions  de  I'ancien  diocdse  de  Sens,  Paris, 
1897,  vol.  I,  p.  516.     Poree,  op.  cit.,  p.  33. 

2*  Poree,  op.  cit.,  p.  21;  Quesvers  et  Stein,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  516;  M.  Roy, 
Le  Chesnoy-les-Sens,  p.  33 ;  A.  Molinier,  Obituaire  de  la  Province  de  Se7is,  Paris, 
1902,  vol.  I,  2"  Partie,  p.  894. 

25  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  p.  894.  note  3;  M.  Quantin,  Inventaire-Sommaire  des 
Archives  Dcpartementales  antcrieures  a  1790,  Yonne  Archives  ecclesiastiques. 
Serie  H,  tome  III,  I'  Partie,  1882,  pp.  116,  893,  896,  904,  pio.  913-916,  920-921. 


and  a  benefactor  of  the  Celestins  of  that  town.^®  His  daughter, 
domicclla  Margarete  Cha^serat  rclicta  uxor  domini  Gonterii  Col,^"^ 
left  money  to  be  buried  by  the  Celestins,  and  pro  quattuor  obitibas 
celebrandis  in  Quattuor  Temporibus  anni.  Her  son  Nicolas  attended 
to  part  of  her  bequest  to  them.^®  Gontier  was  not  himself  a  poor 
man,  as  is  shown  by  his  seigneurie  of  Paron  and  the  revenue  it 
brought  in.^^  He  also  owned  at  Sens  the  maison  des  Degres,  the 
cellar  of  which  still  exists,  situated  on  the  Grande  Rue,  at  the  cross- 
ways  where  stood  the  parish  church  of  S*®  Colombe.^°  This  house, 
which  in  1302  had  belonged  to  a  draper  of  the  name  of  Guillaume 
le  Compasseur,  and  for  which  Nicolas  Col  in  1441  paid  an  annual 
tax  of  "  7  deniers  "  to  the  Abbaye  of  Saint  Remy,  finally  passed  into 
the  hands  of  the  Spifame  family  thru  Catherine  Col,  who  had 
married  a  Spifame.^^  All  this  would  go  to  show  that  Col's  posses- 
sions were  fairly  extensive.  His  father,  Pierre  Col,  had  also  owned 
property  as  is  seen  by  the  record  of  the  sale  by  Marguerite  Chacerat, 
Gontier's  widow,  in  1425,  of  a  piece  of  property  that  had  been 
bought  in  1339  by  "Pierre  Col  de  la  Riole  demeurant  a  Sens."^^ 
Gontier  Col's  parents,  Pierre  Col  and  his  wife  Isabeau,  also  left  lega- 
cies to  the  churchmen  of  Sens,  in  return  for  certain  religious  ser- 
vices.^^  In  the  light  of  the  above,  it  would  seem  that  Gontier  Col 
was  a  good  example  of  the  contemporary  bourgeois,  living  in  a  town 
where  the  bourgeoisie  to  which  he  belonged  was  strong,®*  and  whose 
dcmclcs  with  the  bishop  and  the  King  form  an  interesting  chapter 
of  the  development  of  the  tiers  ctat  in  France.  Col  prosecuted  his 
studies  in  his  native  town  as  well  as  at  Orleans,®*  whose  schools  were 

2"  Quantin,  op.  cit.,  p.  107. 

27  Molinier,  op.  cit.,  pp.  894,  919-920. 

"^^  Ibid.,  p.  918. 

2»  Poree.  op.  cit.,  p.  32. 

80  Poree,  op.  cit.,  pp.  36-37. 

*i  Poree,  op.  cit.,  pp.  36-37;  Quesvers  et  Stein,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IV,  p.  136,  note  i. 

82  Quantin,  op.  cit.,  p.  123. 

83  Ibid.,  pp.  105,  107,  123. 

8*  Bulletin  de  la  Socicte  des  Sciences  historiqucs  ct  naturellcs  dc  I'Yonne, 
1851.  M.  Quantin,  Recherchcs  sur  le  Tiers  Etat  au  Moyen  Age  dans  les  pays 
qui  forment  aujourd'hui  le  dcpartement  de  Sens:  IV,  Commune  de  Sens,  pp. 
238-246. 

35  yetcrum  scriptorum  et  monumcntorum  amplissima  collcctio.  Ed.  by  D. 
Martene,  Parisiis,  1724-1733.  VII,  p.  471:  "Ego,  Gonterus  Colli,  clericus  Seno- 
nensis."    A.  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  p.  80,  n.  4. 


well  known  in  the  Middle  Ages.  As  has  been  indicated,  Col's  first 
position,  so  far  as  we  know,  was  the  post  of  "  receveur  des  aides  es 
terres  entre  les  rivieres  de  Seine  et  de  Dyne."^^  That  he  had  not 
held  the  post  very  long  may  be  surmised  from  the  King's  grant  to 
him,  in  the  ensuing  spring,  of  a  house  rent-free  in  Evreux,  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  he  had  no  fixed  residence  there  ("  pour  consideracion 
de  ce  que  le  dit  receveur  n'est  pas  du  pais  dessus  dit").^^  He  held 
a  fiscal  position  in  1393,^®  judging  by  his  "  quittances  "  dated  in  that 
year.  It  was  probably  while  he  was  at  Evreux  that  he  rented  his 
own  house  at  Sens  to  the  "  Chambre  "  of  that  town,  as  is  seen  in  the 
"Cartulaire  Senonais."^^  This  work  as  fiscal  agent  did  not  take  up 
all  Col's  time,  for  he  is  listed  among  the  King's  notaries  as  early  as 
the  term  extending  from  the  sixth  of  March,  1380,  to  the  first  of 
July  following,  1381,^''  when  he  was  in  the  "  Chancellerie,"  and  in 
the  "  Requestes,"  and  for  which  he  was  paid  six  sous  parisis  per  day. 
Col  also  received  a  "  manteaul,"  or  rather  the  money-value  of  it 
for  "le  terme  de  Noel,  I'an  M.CCC.IIII""  (1380)^^  and  also  for 
the  "terme  de  la  Panthecouste  en  suivant  I'an  IIIP^  et  un."  He 
also  receives  the  value  of  a  cloak  for  the  term  ending  on  St.  John's 
day,  1383.^2  These  were  the  regular  perquisites  of  the  "nottaires." 
Col  is  also  listed  among  the  notaries  of  the  King  to  whom  salary 

SOL.  Delisle,  Mandements  et  actes  divers  de  Charles  V,  Paris,  1874  (No. 
1869),  p.  914. 

^Ubid.  (No.  1918),  p.  933- 

38  J.  Roman,  Invetitaire  des  Sccaux  de  la  Collection  des  pieces  originales  du 
Cabinet  des  Titres,  a  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris,  1909,  vol.  I,  p.  384,  No. 
3320,  Quittances  of  G.  Col.,  February  24,  1380-March  22,  1393. 

so  Cartulaire  Senonais  de  Balthazar  Tavcau,  public  par  G.  Julliot.  Sens, 
1884,  p.  34: 

"  Avant  que  ledict  hostel  de  ville  fust  basty,  la  chambre  se  tenoyt"  es  salles 
du  Roy,  desquelles  Colard  de  Caleville,  Chevalier,  bailly  de  Sens,  fit  mettre  hors 
les  meubles  appartenans  a  icelle  ville,  en  hayne  des  proces  meuz  entre  lui  et 
ladicte  ville.  Et  tint-on  ladicte  chambre  par  quelques  annees  en  la  maison  de 
Gonthier  Col,  secretaire  du  Roy,  asise  au  coing  Saincte-Columbe,  qui  fut  louee 
six  escuz  par  an,  ainsy  qu'il  se  voyt  par  le  compte  rendu  par  Pierre  Oger,  pour 
I'an  mil  IIP  IIII"  XIII  cy-dessoubz  inventorie,  et  cotte  XXII. 

*°  Douet  d'Arcq :  Comptcs  de  I'Hotel  des  rois  de  France,  au  XIV^  et  au  XV^ 
Siccles,  Paris,  1854,  p.  22.  In  a  document  dated  February  24,  1390,  Col  does  not 
subscribe  himself  as  either  notary  or  secretary  of  the  King.  (See  App.  B.) 
This  does  not  necessarily  mean,  however,  that  he  did  not  hold  such  posts  at 
that  time. 

*^  Douet  d'Arcq,  op.  cit.,  p.  27. 

42  Ibid.,  p.  208. 


s 


liBEB  so:  of  ^BmlBi^,  uder  lAe  CiiyitrifWB  '"SeaeSaEffcs  a.  gaiges  sci'vjHb 
fM-Mggs.^  GaTs  aanBc  nf  1  im  1  l^Bln^BsvpapoiiiitlAEatkaslKm 
a  gwrt  AaB  <fitttfwwB4  Aot  is^  lAe  dUfereaoe  lietwem  Ac  ■olaanes 
aid  IflK  sEKiedanes  off  de  Eiag  ae  Ab  tmr.  Hot  Ac  Imns  veie 
«BBi  Isoerihr  ^  asm  iraaa  dhc  cttattiDB  iia  Ac  JWaiiryM  d^  f&afizr 
As  OMTfeK,'*  Oat  abmtt  1390  Gsntoes-  Coll  was  a  '"■olaire-secre- 
ttame  ^  vmr"^  at  a  sdbsj  <tf  mx  jmk  jtaruir  for  db^.    This  is  iOk 

,  sar tarns  fim  ■lii  per  day^  as 


:  off  Ac  ttwo  ttcniB  at  Ifte  sirrt  z~  rsiiiv'  dbic  to 

sai£  nsat  y»j™f>  uKsc  'was  a  «»™if  -  'jhc  flQ~ 

— <M*"tf*  were  ^^!a9  '§skS^  aagariheis  c  :       :  --~^'"  ^  aoHancs  aad 

aBowdlMLie^'**  a  feraral  iiiijjjiiaiiijilTr—  1  umfnium  wiA 

a  tfafillBr  nmfrir  Jieaa  lie  Boa  C^ii-  """^  '•a*  "=*»- 

BrfunpuMiiJia  13165  lyOBEfe^l^"  itrrmriKraff 

HA  liK  iiiwipBiiiww*    There  -    -  -     :  -    -   -  t  1  r^iedls  ito 

tS^  1ksi^"„  CKtrftanii  <fargs  wcbc  crihftr :  - 


SB  lUB  <tsis&.  an£  tfis  ""4"^'  ILnii— m  wysuHte  flff  GnsifiK'  Caff's  iimiif„  ite  Tmay  bc 

iMEptTm  iz^n^  CBl  IE,  {3,  on  Etaik 
itmJka  Sioux  iKUpnmmtiSam  ix . 


<*lfandl£gj>wwfc  liiiwuffliBiii  aByta^Rpa»,i]11,y.5ai„ia. 
4*]lbnfti  iQg»^ii=  Minel,  d^St  dit,  32.  jPB,  for  ttEtft  «f  cfibafllBL 


1k»  li^  an^  aad  firott  aai  sKoaid  ^oeqpeis^  tike  dwrnginmk 


it  s  fnolHHc  OBE  UK  afittBidaPKC  wss 

lirifewniniBllly  tflgy  cBwfli  flMBrit  as  OBaoi^  fimms  a  Jb^  as  tfisof  icidBB^, 
for  niBamflrs  ¥1  &Eid  f^"  t«ti»\M  tffaen^  ISCosar.  2g^  iji^cii,^  a  BSBsn  od  tise 
loyai  fjlwy  in  vftidi  flky  csndA  '^Sbbc  Sobs  IcttUinB^  cKsiiaBC^  dt 
coix  jiiWciiwiMlLiL  eft  pagfer  de  Scbbs  ksoa^ae^  9e  "'''»f*^<''TW  cstL'" 
To  lArse  '"'dbfi^fiie'*'  aipuillai  (off  tie  '^ismSamix' 

affuMjiiMi  fliftirtiwiiiP*  «■  ■^higfc  nB-  ««i«riMflLii^f-  iiwMii'mflJfijl  fifty  nwuufr^n^  1 

katt  aaodaiiEan.  Wkn  a  aKSBAcr  i^  atfo  fgB«C]%- «i&snft  aofr 
laaK  fiK  ai^  ibc  ooiies  mmnas  os  nae  gsMigE  aoBEBBBn  lunB- 
lor  Us  affifittanoc^  arf  Ac  flewryfifHti  was  not  lOfBrafl  as»  fargr 
-  :2  Ic  was  Uf  aftiE  ttii>  ^  sol"* 

~rs|^  Bad  soaae  jtinrwffiifliaMi  onsir  r^gssff  asMSEdasBSh 

-J  lat  gcatt  saQicHiiiuBf  maag  weat  ;nggi  j/imuiuc  aMPBaBia 

::}SL  ic^pcallBB^ 

'^3  1lBi>  wen' 


Lfi^  £lt  Ihwiilr^  nvK&naBKSS  dt  «ssb- 
nimiriif*^.    -  antt  u<<UL  :■"      aBifl  wftaui  5^  nnstSEfle  t&na* 


_  _  _  — /  "Win  niHn^  JHUBIIIIIr 


lO 

the  King  had  their  names  stricken  out.^*^  Add  to  the  above  that 
their  letters  were  always  sent  gratis.^^  Perhaps  it  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at,  in  view  of  all  this,  that,  in  spite  of  the  ordonnances  to 
regulate  their  number,^^  and  the  examination  that  they  had  to  take 
to  prove  that  they  were  "  capables  de  faire  lettre  tant  en  f rangais 
qu'en  latin, ""^  the  notaries  and  secretaries  of  the  King  were  increas- 
ing in  number  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  need  felt  for  them  by  the 
State. 

To  this  close  corporation  Jehan  de  Monstereul  and  Gontier  Col 
both  belonged,  and  to  them  must  be  added  Pierre  Manhac,^^  a  per- 
sonage who  is  but  a  name  to  us,  but  whom  Jehan  de  Monstereul,  in 
mentioning  his  teachers,  bracketed  with  Col.  The  importance  of 
this  connection  with  the  confrerie  ought  not  to  be  unduly  emphasized, 
yet  it  should  not  be  quite  disregarded,  when  we  take  into  account 
the  role  that  the  friendship  between  Col  and  Monstereul  played  in 
the  development  of  Pre-Humanism  in  France.  Indeed,  the  presence 
of  a  certain  literary  tradition  among  the  "notaires  et  secretaires  du 
roi,"  at  this  period,  is  of  interest.  Just  a  little  after  Col  came  Alain 
Chartier,  and  just  before  him  one  of  the  secretaries  was  Gervais  du 
Bus,  to  whom  has  been  attributed  the  second  part  of  the  Fauvel.^^ 
The  question  as  to  whether  he  really  wrote  it  or  not,  is  not  the  point 
here,  but  what  is  suggestive  is,  that  he  was  held  capable  of  having 
done  so  by  critics  casting  about  for  an  author. 

These  literary  proclivities  were  not  the  exclusive  appurtenance 
of  the  notaries  of  the  King,  for  the  notaries  of  Paris  also  had  a 
Confrerie,^^  and  among  them  are  found  two  literary  men  of  the 
times,  Jean  le  Fevre,  translator  of  the  Lmncnta  of  Matheolus,^^ 

"Morel,  pp.  558-559  (list  of  notaries  and  secretaries  so  exempted  for  1404 
and  1405). 

80  Morel,  p.  396. 

«^  Morel,  p.  562,  October  19,  1406. 

«2  Vuitry,  Regime  financier  dc  la  France.     Nouvelle  Serie,  tome  II.  p.  387. 

»3  For  signatures  of  Pierre  Manhac  cf .  Morel,  pp.  559-56? ;  J.  Du  Mont, 
Corps  univcrsel  diplomatique  du  droit  des  gens,  Amsterdam,  1726-1731,  vol.  ii, 
p.  245;  Secousse,  vol.  vii,  pp.  175,  236;  vol.  viii,  p.  417;  vol.  x,  p.  463. 

8*  Ch.  V.  Langlois,  La  vie  en  France  au  Moyen  Age,  Paris,  1908,  p.  279. 

«5  Leber,  Collection  de  pidces  relatives  a  I'histoire  de  France,  Paris,  1838,  vol. 

19.  P-  325- 

««  Les  Lamentations  de  Mathcolus  et  le  Livre  de  Lcescc  de  Jehan  le  Fevre, 
de  Resson,  Paris,  1892. 


II 

and  Martial  d'Auvergne,^^  both  being  "  Procureurs  du  Parlenient  de 
Paris."  That  gross  ignorance  of  things  hterary  was  not  prevalent 
at  this  time  among  the  "gens  du  Palais,"  is  shown  by  the  library 
left  by  a  "greffier  du  Parlement"  quite  unknown  to  literary  an- 
nals.^^ 

II. — GoNTiER  Col  goes  to  Avignon  in  1395  as  Secretary  of  the 
Embassy  of  the  Dukes  of  Berry,  Burgundy  and  Orleans 

In  1395  Gontier  Col  goes  on  his  first  embassy;  the  record  of  his 
official  capacity,  which  he  is  careful  to  set  down,  runs  solemnly  as 
follows  •}  Ego  Gonterus  Colli  domini  nostri  regis  secretarius,  publi- 
ciis  apostolica  et  imperiali  auctoritate  notariiis.^  This  designation 
he  repeats  informally  several  times  in  the  body  of  the  Journal^  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  trip  which  he  wrote,  conforming  in  this  to  a 
fashion  which  had  apparently  been  set  during  the  thirteenth  century 
by  the  Venetian  ambassadors,  whose  secretaries  sent  in  a  written 
report  of  the  proceedings  of  the  embassy  within  a  fortnight  after 
its  return.^  This  embassy  was  the  one  headed  by  the  dukes  of 
Berry,  Orleans,  and  Burgundy,  which  was  sent  to  Avignon  by 
Charles  VI  in  an  attempt  to  end  the  Great  Schism.  Col's  Journal 
begins  with  the  events  of  the  22d  of  September,  1394,  when  the 
news  of  the  death  of  Clement  VII  reached  Paris.  The  King  at 
once  assembled  the  Council,'^  of  which  Col  was  secretary,  and  letters 

«7  Petit  de  Julleville,  op.  cit.,  ii,  pp.  284-285. 

88  List  of  books  in  the  will  of  Nicolas  de  I'Espoisse,  greffier  du  Parlement: 
AUxandre ;  Somme  au  Breton;  Epistrcs  de  Pierre  de  Blois;  De  Vineis;  Istoire 
de  Troye  la  grant;  Hist  aires  d'oultremer;  Policraticon;  Epistres  saint  Bernard; 
Manipulus  florum;  Boece,  de  Consolacion;  Stile  de  Parlement;  Catholicon;  A. 
Tuetey,  "  Testaments  enregistres  au  Parlement  de  Paris  sous  le  regne  de 
Charles  VI,"  p.  608  seq.,  Paris,  1880.  See  also  A.  Lefranc,  Le  Tiers  Livre  du 
Pantagruel  et  la  quercUe  des  Femmes,  in  Revue  des  Etudes  Rahelaisiennes,  1904, 
3*  fascicule,  pp.  80-81. 

^  Ampl.  Col.  vol.  vii.  c.  465.     See  also  Ampl.  Col,  vol.  vii,  c.  479. 

2  See  Du  Cange,  Clossarium  mediae  et  infimae  latinitatis,  Parisiis,  1840,  arti- 
cle "  Notarius." 

8  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  vii,  c.  479;  c.  491 ;  c.  505 ;  c.  524. 

*  See  E.  Nys,  Les  Commencements  de  la  diplomatie  et  le  droit  d'ambassade 
jusqu'd,  Grotius  in  Revue  de  Droit  international,  1883,  p.  579.  See  also  E.  Alberi, 
Le  relazioni  degli  ambasciatori  Veneti  al  Senato,  Firenze,  1839.  Prefazione,  p. 
vii  seq. 

^  E.  Jarry,  La  vie  politique  de  Louis  de  France,  due  d'Orlcans,  Paris,  1889, 
p.  27. 


12 

were  sent  to  Avignon  to  urge  the  postponement  of  the  election  of  a 
new  Pope ;  for  perhaps  this  might  prove  an  opportunity  to  end  the 
Schism.  The  French  letters  were  apparently  disregarded,  and  the 
next  news  that  came  from  the  South  was  that  of  the  election  of 
Benedict  XIII,  in  whom  France  proposed  to  have  great  confidence, 
and  to  whom  the  King  promised  to  send  messengers  for  the  purpose 
of  concluding  the  matter.^  A  meeting  of  the  clergy  of  France  was 
called'  and,  after  discussing  the  various  means  of  ending  the 
trouble  decided  in  favor  of  the  withdrawal  of  both  Popes  f  and  the 
French  Princes  going  to  Avignon  were  so  instructed. 

They  set  off  with  a  great  train  of  followers  and  making  a  great 
show.  Nor  is  this  beyond  what  might  be  expected  in  view  of  the 
importance  of  the  undertaking  and  the  reputation  for  luxury  and 
display  of  the  life  at  Avignon,  a  much  criticized  state  of  affairs* 
that  was  due,  in  part  at  any  rate,  to  the  incessant  coming  and  going 
of  ambassadors  at  the  Papal  court,  and  of  kings  and  emperors  as 
well.^"  To  these  secular  occasions  of  display  must  be  added  the 
religious  holidays,  feast  days,  funerals  of  popes  and  installations 
of  their  successors. ^^  In  order  to  make  a  proper  showing  at  all  of 
these  manifestations  of  pomp  and  circumstance,  the  Popes  had  in 
their  employ  many  artists  and  artisans,^  ^  ranging  from  the  workers 
in  cloth  and  fur^^  to  the  embroiderers  and  silver-  and  goldsmiths 
(of  which,  by  the  way,  there  were  forty  attached  to  the  pontifical 
court  in  1376).^^  These  enjoyed  great  vogue,  the  rage  for  silver 
and  gold  ornaments  going  so  far  that  gold  plaques  were  sewed  on 

«  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  vii,  c.  438. 

'  Ibid.,  c.  458. 

8  Ibid.,  c.  439-458. 

»  Petrarch  ef  Oresme.  See  G.  Mollat,  Les  Papcs  d'Avignon,  Paris,  1912,  pp. 
xiii,  xiv;  E.  Miintz,  L'argcnt  et  le  luxe  a  la  cour  pontificale  d'Avignon,  in  Revue 
des  Questions  Historiqucs,  1899,  Nouvelle  Serie,  vol.  xxii,  p.  34- 

"  Ibid.,  pp.  355-356. 

"  Ibid.,  pp.  348,  351-355- 

12  E.  Miintz,  Les  Arts  a  la  cour  des  popes,  in  Melanges  d'Archeologie  et 
d'Histoire,  1884,  pp.  274-303 ;  1885,  pp.  327-337 ;  1889,  pp.  I34-I73- 

13  E.  Miintz,  L'argent  et  le  luxe  a  la  cour  pontificale  d'Avignon,  in  Revue  des 
Questions  Historiqucs,  1899,  p.  384;  E.  Muntz,  Quclqucs  artistes  avignonnais  du 
pontificat  de  Bcno'it  XIII,  in  Bulletin  dc  la  Societe  Nationale  des  Antiquaires  de 
France  for  1886,  p.  1 11. 

1*  Ibid.,  p.  392.     See  below. 


13 

the  gloves  of  the  Popes, ^'^  while  Benedict  XIII  in  1405  paid  three 
hundred  florins  courants  for  a  bit  of  silver  enamel  for  his  mule.^® 

The  Popes  were  solicitous  of  having  a  fit  setting  for  these 
pageants.  The  palace  of  the  Popes  is  a  monument  to  their  care  in 
this  direction/"  and,  in  the  palace,  paintings  signed  by  well-known 
names,  vying  with  valuable  tapestries,  gave  a  colorful  background 
to  the  glittering  crowd  of  courtiers  and  prelates  who  thronged 
Avignon.^®  But  there  is  also  another  and  more  engaging  manner 
in  which  the  Popes  of  Avignon  played  the  role  of  Maecenas;  I  mean 
as  protectors  of  learning.  The  interest  of  Urban  V^^  in  founding 
schools  and  collecting  a  library,  as  well  as  the  scholarly  tastes  of 
Gregory  XI, ^"^  had  set  a  certain  intellectual  standard  at  the  Pon- 
tifical Court. 

Our  three  dukes  set  out  from  Paris,  traveling  by  boat  (from 
Chalons)  a  great  part  of  the  distance, ^^  and  stopping  at  Dijon, 
where  they  were  entertained  by  the  court  of  Burgundy,^-  and  where 
presents  were  exchanged.  Col  was  with  the  ambassadors  at  the 
time.  At  Lyons  also  the  dukes  made  a  stay,  and  did  not  reach 
Avignon  until  Saturday,  May  22,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
Their  credentials  were  at  once  presented  to  the  Pope.^^  Benedict 
received  them  "moult  honorablement "  and  after  an  exchange  of 
compliments  they  "allerent  en  la  chambre  de  parement  et  la  prin- 
drent  vin  et  espices."^'*  The  next  day,  Sunday,  the  envoys  dined 
with  the  Pope,  and  it  was  not  until  Monday  that  the  business  of 
the  embassy  was  touched  upon,  for  that  day  was  given  to  the  formal 
opening  discourse  by  Gilles  Deschamps.     Only  on  Tuesday,  then, 

15  Ibid.,  p.  392. 
"  Ibid.,  p.  389. 

1^  Digonnet,  Le  Palais  des  Papes  d' Avignon,  Avignon,  1907;  J.  Guiraud, 
L'Eglise  Roviainc  ct  Ics  origines  de  la  Renaissance,  Paris,  1904,  pp.  22-29. 

18  Guiraud,  op.  cit.,  p.  41  seq. 

19  MoUat,  pp.  106-107.  F.  Ehrle,  Historia  bibliotecae  romanorum  pontifi- 
cuni  turn  Bonifatianac  turn  Avenionensis,  Rome,  1890,  vol.  i,  pp.  274-450. 
Guiraud,  pp.  52-78. 

20  Mollat  p.  119;  Ehrle,  vol.  i,  451-574.  For  both  see  also  M.  Faucon,  La 
Lihrairie  des  Papes  d' Avignon,  Paris,  1886,  in  Bibliothcque  des  £coles  Frangaises 
d'Athcnes  et  de  Rome. 

21  N.  Valois,  La  France  et  le  Grand  Schisme  d'Occident,  Paris,  1896-1902, 
vol.  iii,  p.  45. 

22  E.  Jarry,  La  vie  politique  de  Louis  de  France,  due  d'Orlcans,  p.  132. 
^^Ampl.  Col,  vol.  vii,  c.  487. 

^*  Ampl.  Col,  vol.  vii,  c.  488  seq. 


14 

was  the  matter  really  taken  up  in  an  audience  with  the  Pope  and  Car- 
dinals. The  French  envoys  soon  found  that  the  Pope  stood  uncon- 
ditionally for  ending  the  Schism  by  a  compromise;  they,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  committed  to  the  "  voie  de  cessation."  The  meet- 
ings were  constant,  and  the  dukes  stayed  on  at  Avignon  as  late  as 
the  first  week  in  July  without  having  effected  any  perceptible  change 
in  Benedict's  point  of  view,  or  having  even  persuaded  him  to  give 
them  an  "audience  publique  en  plein  consistoire."^' 

"  Pour  laquelle  chose  les  devant  dits  dues  prindrent  adonc  congie 
du  pape,  et  se  offrent  a  rapporter  au  roy  tout  ce  que  sa  saintete  par 
eux  lui  voudroit  denoncier.  Auquel  dirent  finablement  apres  les 
choses  devant  dites,  que  ce  n'estoit  point,  ne  n'avoit  este  de  leur  en- 
tention  de  luy  exposer  ou  faire  exposer  aucune  chose  qui  ne  cedat 
au  bien  de  la  besoigne,  I'honneur  de  Dieu  et  de  I'eglise  et  de  sa 
saintete :  Apres  lesquelles  choses  ainsi  dites,  le  pape  leur  pria  moult 
affectueusement,  que  le  lendemain  ils  voulsissent  disner  avec  lui,  et  il 
parleroit  encore  a  eux;  et  ils  repondirent  qu'ils  y  avoient  assez  mange, 
et  qu'il  avoit  parle  a  eux  tant  comme  il  luy  avoit  pliJ,  et  que  s'il  ne 
leur  vouloit  autre  chose  dire,  et  venir  a  la  voye  que  le  roy  luy  con- 
seilloit,  qu'ils  ne  lui  parleroient  plus,  et  qu'ils  s'en  alloient  devers  le 
roy  qui  les  avoit  mandez,  et  les  hastoit  fort,  et  luy  rapporteroient 
ce  qu'ils  avoient  trouve  et  a  tant  se  partirent  et  s'en  allerent." 

Thus  the  French  envoys  finally  left  Avignon  shortly  after  the 
ninth  of  July,  having  accomplished  nothing  towards  bringing  the 
Schism  to  an  end.^^ 

As  far  as  literary  merit  is  concerned,  the  only  claim  that  the 
Journal  has  to  offer  is  a  certain  clearness  of  phrasing,  and  an  ability 
to  keep  to  the  point.  There  is  no  attempt  at  style  or  fine  writing, 
even  in  handling  the  speeches  made  by  members  of  the  embassy  or  by 
the  Pope,  Col  contenting  himself  with  giving  an  outline  of  the  con- 
tents in  the  most  matter-of-fact  way.  It  is  only  in  a  certain  soften- 
ing of  asperities  that  one  catches  glimpses  of  the  diplomat  beneath 
the  secretary. 

Col's  Journal  has  been  considered  of  importance  in  the  history 
of  the  relation  of  France  to  the  Schism.^^     Valois  has  touched  on 

25  Ibid.,  c.  527. 

26  Jarry.  op.  cit.,  p.  133 ;  Valois,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  65. 

2"  Printed  in  the  Am.  Col,  vol.  vii,  c.  479-528,  from  the  MS.  in  the  Biblio- 
thdque  Nationale,  J.  518.  In  the  library  of  Carpentras  (see  Catalogue  general 
des  MSS.  des  Bibliothdques  Publiques  de  France,  vol.  35,  p.  435.  Collection 
Peires,  1801,  p.  xxxii).     Recueil  ayant  pour  titre  au  IP  fol.,  I  Genealogies,  fol. 


15 

rather  an  interesting  point  in  showing  how  much  Col's  work  had 
been  drawn  upon  by  the  Religieux  de  St.  Denis  in  his  Chronica 
Caroli  Sextv^^  when  describing  the  dukes'  trip  to  Avignon.  He 
says,  "  Le  Religieux  de  St.  Denis  a  eu  ce  document  sous  les  yeux, 
mais  ne  I'a  pas  toujours  utilise  d'une  facon  heureuse."^^  This  is 
quite  obvious  on  comparing  the  two  documents.  The  Religieux  cur- 
tails, paraphrases,  transposes  and  adds  to  the  original  document. 
That  he  is  inaccurate  has  been  pointed  out  in  a  number  of  cases  by 
Valois,^*^  who  also  draws  attention  to  the  closeness  with  which  the 
"  Religieux "  occasionally  follows  Col's  text.^^  The  Religieux, 
again,  notes  gossip  that  Col,  mindful  of  his  official  position,  leaves 
out.  A  case  in  point  is  the  burning  of  the  bridge  at  Avignon,  con- 
cerning which  the  St.  Denis  chronicler  repeats  the  charge  current 
at  the  time  that  the  Pope  had  been  accused  of  burning  the  bridge 
at  Avignon  as  an  insult  to  the  dukes. ^^  Col  simply  makes  a  note 
of  the  fire,  without  any  comment. ^^ 

The  "  Religieux  "  does  not  always  use  Col's  material  quite  as  it 
is  found  in  the  Journal.  An  instance  of  this  is  found  in  connection 
with  the  meeting  of  the  duke  of  Berry  and  the  Cardinals.  At  this 
point  in  his  Journal,  Col  refers  the  reader  to  his  Latin  minutes  of 

285,  "  Excerpta  ex  relatione  facta  per  magistrum  Gontierium,  regium  secre- 
tarium,  de  solemni  legatione  facta  nomine  regis  ad  papam  Benedictum,"  etc. 
I'Abbe  J.  B.  Chrisfophe,  in  Histoire  de  la  Papaute  pendant  le  14^  Siecle,  Paris, 
1853,  vol.  iii,  151,  153,  mentions  Col,  and  refers  to  journal  in  the  Ampl.  Col.  with- 
out crediting  it  to  him.  Mentioned  by  Molinier,  Sources  de  I'histoire  de  France, 
Paris,  1901-06,  vol.  iv,  p.  176,  No.  1367;  E.  Jarry,  Vie  de  Louis  d'Orleans,  etc., 
p.  127;  M.  Creighton,  History  of  Papacy,  New  York,  1899,  vol.  i,  p.  149;  N. 
Valois,  La  France  et  le  Grand  Schisme  d'Occidcnt,  vol.  iii,  p.  3. 

28  Bibliothcque  de  l'£,cole  des  Chartcs,  No.  63,  p.  238  seq. ;  N.  Valois,  op.  cit., 
vol.  3,  ch.  i. 

20  Valois,  op.  cit.,  vol.  3,  p.  3,  n.  I. 

30  Ibid.,  p.  46,  n.  3.  Col's  statement  {Ampl.  Col.  vol.  vii,  c.  487)  here  is  borne 
out  by  E.  Petit,  Itincraire  de  Philippe  le  Hardi  et  Jean  sans  Peur,  Paris,  1888,  p. 
242.  For  other  instances  see  Valois,  vol.  3,  p.  20,  n.  3;  p.  33,  n.  2;  p.  46,  n.  3;  p. 
47,  n.  4;  p.  S3,  n.  I ;  p.  60,  n.  2;  p.  61,  n.  3. 

31  See  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  vii,  c.  491,  §20;  and  R.  de  St.  D.,  vol.  2,  p.  258. 
82  Ibid.,  p.  296. 

33  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  vii,  c.  504-505  : 

Item,  celle  nuit  environ  minuit  nos  seigneurs  estant  a  Villeneuve,  furent 
toutes  arses  deux  arches  de  bois  qui  estoient  au  pont  d'Avignon,  sans  y  rien 
demourer  jusques  a  I'eau,  et  ne  sgait'-on  qui  le  feu  ybouta  et  esconvint  (doit)  adonc 
tout  homme  aller  et  venir  par  battiaux  de  Villeneuve  en  Avignon,  &  d'Avignon 
a  Ville-neuve,  &  fut  la  ville  d'Avignon  de  ce  faict  tres  troublee  et  en  grant  peur, 
et  le  pape  pareillement,  si  comme  on  dit. 


i6 

the  meeting,  "ut  in  instrumento  Latino  superius  relate. "^^  The 
"Religieux"  not  unnaturally  gives  in  his  text  an  extended  account 
of  the  seance. '"^^  He  does  this  also  with  respect  to  the  bulP®  drawn 
up  by  Col  for  the  text  of  which  Maitre  Gontier  refers  the  reader  to 
the  Spicilegium  of  d'Achery.^^  Parallel  passages  from  the  two 
works  will  illustrate  how  Col's  Journal  has  been  used  by  the  "  Re- 
ligieux."^^ 

III. — Gontier  Col  and  his  Patrons,  the  Dukes  of  Berry  and 

Orleans 

The  influence  of  the  Avignon  mission  on  Col  is  interesting  from 
several  points  of  view.  He  was  brought  in  contact  with  the  early 
Italian  Renaissance,  with  the  city  on  which  Petrarch  had  left  his 
mark.  Under  the  Popes,  Avignon  was  half  Italian;  it  was  a  town 
of  color  and  display,  of  luxury  and  learning,  of  the  cultivation  of 
all  the  arts  of  existence,  and  his  stay  there  gave  Col  a  foretaste  of 
that  Italian  life  of  which  he  had  a  further  glimpse  at  the  time  of  his 
embassy  to  Florence,  in  1396.  It  is  probably  also  during  this  trip 
to  Avignon  that  he  became  known  to  the  dukes  of  Berry  and  Or- 
leans, with  whose  entourage  he  was  connected. 

The  statement  has  been  made  that  Col  was  secretary  to  the 
Duke  of  Orleans.^  Whether  he  was  formally  in  his  employ  or  not, 
the  fact  remains  that  he  was  the  recipient  of  his  favors,  as  seen  in 
the  gift  to  Maitre  Gontier  of  a  fur-lined  red  woolen  serge  cloak  for 
the  New  Year.*    It  is  easier  to  establish  the  fact  that  he  was  sec- 

s*  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  vii,  ^66-^72. 

8°  R.  de  St.  D.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  264-276. 

^^  Ibid.,  ii,  286  seq. 

^'^  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  vii,  col.  504.      Edita  Spicil.,  tome  6. 

88  R.  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  ii,  p.  255  sqq. ;  Ampl.  Col,  vol.  vi,  cols.  488-489. 

^  J.  Roman,  Inventaircs  et  Documents  relatifs  aux  joyaux  ct  tapisscries  des 
princes  d'Orlcans-Valois,  1389-1481. — Published  in  the  Recucil  d'anciens  inven- 
taires,  imprimcs  sous  les  auspices  du  comite  des  travaux  historiqucs  et  scien- 
tifiques.  Section  d'Archcologie,  Paris,  1896,  vol.  i,  p.  176,  note.  This  is  the  only 
statement  that  I  have  found  concerning  Col's  secretaryship  to  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  and  Roman  cites  neither  source  nor  reference  on  the  point. 

2  J.  Roman,  Ibid.,  p.  176: 

Ce  sont  les  parties  de  robes  fourrees  par  Thomassin  Potier,  foureur  et  var- 
let  de  chambre  de  Monseigneur  le  due  d'Orliens,  pour  Monditseigneur  le  Due, 
pour  Charles  et  Philippe,  messeigneurs  ses  enfans  et  autres  a  qui  mondit  seig- 
neur a  donnees  robes  en  ceste  presente  annee,   commengant  premier  jour  de 


17 

retary  to  the  duke  of  Berry,  although  not  to  fix  the  date  when  he 
first  took  the  post.  There  is  an  indirect  reference  connecting  him 
with  Berry  in  1398-1399,^  and  he  is  formally  entered  as  the  duke's 
secretary  in  1407.* 

Various  considerations  go  to  prove  that  Col  shared  Berry's  well- 
known  "  Amour  extreme  pour  les  arts,""^  the  love  "  des  beaux 
livres  enlumines,  des  riches  joyaux,  des  elegantes  ciselures,  des  re- 
liques  enchassees  dans  I'or  et  les  pierres  precieuses."®  For  if,  as 
Michelet  says,''^  Louis  of  Orleans  was  the  "  esprit  de  la  Renais- 
sance" (and  the  role  that  Valentine  Visconti®  played  in  bringing 
the  Italian  Renaissance  into  France  is  well-known),^  still  the  figure 
of  John  of  Berry  must  not  be  forgotten.  There  was  a  good  deal  of 
the  Italian  Renaissance  about  Charles's  uncle,  with  his  love  of 
luxury  and  his  cultivation  of  the  arts,  his  disregard  of  the  provenance 
of  the  money  that  he  spent  like  water  in  his  role  of  a  princely 
Maecenas,^"  the  extortions  that  he  exercised  upon  his  subjects,  and 
the  notorious  mismanagement  of  his  provinces. 

Fevrier  mil  CCCIIII"  et  seize,  et  finissant  derrenier  de  Janvier  ensuivant  mil 
CCCIIII"  et  dix-sept. 

(P.  176.)  No.  368.  Item  ce  jour  (le  premier  jour  de  Janvier  ensuivant  No. 
367)  trois  longues  houpelandes  que  Monseigneur  a  donnees,  c'est  assavoir,  deux 
de  drap  de  Dampmas  noir,  I'une  a  Regnault  d'Angennes.  et  I'autre  a  Oudart  de 
Renty,  escuiers  du  Roy  nostre  Sire,  et  I'autre  d'escarlate  vermeille,  a  Maistre 
Gontier  Col,  son  secretaire,  toutes  fourrees  de  martres  de  Pruce,  d'achat  pour 
fagon  XV  s.  p.  pour  chascune  valent  .  .  .  XLVIII  s.  p. 

The  above  is  also  quoted  in  full  by  E.  M.  Graves,  Quelques  pieces  relatives 
d  la  ine  de  Louis  I,  due  d'Orleans,  et  de  Valentine  Visconti  sa  femme,  Paris, 
1913.  p.  159. 

3  Douet  d'Arcq,  Comptes  de  I'hotel  des  rois  de  France  au  XIV^  et  au  XV 
siccles,  under  heading  Extraits  d'un  compte  de  I'Hotel  de  Jean,  due  de  Berry, 
du  I  mai  1398  au  dernier  fevrier  suivant  (1399),  p.  312.  Menus  dons  et  offrandes. 
A  Perrin  de  Bourdeduc,  varlet  de  maistre  Gontier  Col  qui  amena  de  par  le  roy 
Nostre  sire  a  Monditseigneur,  ung  coursier,  4  1.  t. 

*Rymer,  Foedere,  Londini,  1726-1735,  vol.  8,  p.  523. 

5  L.  Raynal,  Histoire  du  Berry  depuis  les  temps  les  plus  anciens  jusqu'en 
1789,  Bourges,  1844-47,  vol.  ii,  p.  376. 

^  A.  de  Champeaux  et  P.  Gauchery,  Les  travaux  d'art  executes  pour  Jean  de 
France,  due  de  Berry,  Paris,  1894,  pp.  1 14-185. 

^  Histoire  de  France,  Paris,  1879-1884,  vol.  v,  p.  160. 

8  A.  M.  F.  Robinson,  The  End  of  the  Middle  Ages  (London,  1889),  pp.  102- 
178.     See  also  note  7. 

"P.  Champion,  Vie  de  Charles  d'Orleans,  Paris.  191 1. 

^^  J.  Gauchery,  Influence  de  Jean  de  France,  due  de  Berry  sur  le  dcveloppe- 
ment  de  I'architecture  et  des  arts  d  la  fin  du  XIV'  et  au  commencement  du  XV* 
siecle."    Caen.  1910. 


i8 

Col  apparently  shared  some  of  the  artistic  tastes,  if  not  the 
methods  of  indulging  them,  of  his  princely  patron;  Col's  present 
to  the  Duke  of  Berry  of  a  "  Bien  Grande  mappemonde  escripte  et 
historiee"^^  goes  to  show  this.  It  is  not  the  only  present  that  he 
made  to  the  Duke,  judging  from  an  entry  concerning  a  gift  made 
by  Madame  de  Berry  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  of  "Unes  Heures 
de  Nostre  Dame  historiees  .  .  .  et  y  sont  les  armes  de  maistre 
Gontier  Col.''^^ 

A  description  of  Col's  seal  may  not  be  out  of  place  here,  as  his 
arms  have  proved  a  valuable  means  of  tracing  some  of  his  artistic 
possessions :  "  Ecu  portant  une  fasce  accompagnee  de  trois  cols  de 
cygne  timbree  d'une  tete  humaine,  supporte  par  deux  personnages 
assis."^^  M.  Roy  gives  the  armoiries  of  the  Col  family  as  follows 
{op.  cit.,  p.  33,  note)  :  De  gueules  a  la  fasce  d'azur  chargee  de  3 
etoiles  d'or  et  accompagnee  de  3  tetes  de  cygne  au  naturel,  2  et  i. 

This  device  belongs  to  the  class  of  "punning"  coats-of-arms 
(anncs  parlanles),  and  bears  some  features  similar  to  that  of  the 
Duke  of  Berry,  which  consists  of  a  bear  and  a  swan,  a  pun  on  the 
first  word  of  his  motto,^^  "Oursine  [ours,  cygne]  le  temps  venra."^' 

It  is  Col's  arms  also  that  revealed  the  presence  of  his  "  tapiz  "  in 
the  "  Inventaire  des  tapisseries  du  roy  Charles  VI  vendues  par  les 
Anglais  en  1422."^°  Nothing  certain  is  known  on  the  subject,  but 
in  view  of  Col's  connection  with  the  Palais,  it  is  fairly  easy  to  infer 
how  his  "  tappiz  "  came  to  be  found  there.^^ 

11  L.  Delisle,  Rechcrches  sur  la  librairie  de  Charles  V,  Paris,  1907,  vol.  ii,  p. 
254;  J.  Guiffrey,  Inventaire  de  Jean,  due  de  Berry,  vol.  i,  p.  263. 

"  Delisle,  ibid.,  ii,  p.  238. 

^3  J.  Roman,  Inventaire  des  Seeaux  de  la  Collection  des  pieces  originales 
du  Cabinet  des  Titres  a  la  Bihliothcque  Nationale  (Paris,  1909),  vol.  i,  p.  384. 

^*  Mcmoires  de  la  Socicte  des  Antiquaires  du  Centre,  1899,  pp.  62-73.  For 
the  Duke's  interest  in  bears,  see  S.  Luce,  La  France  pendant  la  guerre  de  cent 
ans,"  Paris,  1890-93,  1"  Serie,  pp.  223,  226. 

^"^  Michelet,  Histoirc  de  France,  vol.  v,  p.  85,  note  3. 

^«  Bibliothcque  de  I'^colc  des  Chartes,  No.  48,  pp.  105  and  420.  Item,  un 
autre  tappis,  fait  aus  armes,  comme  Ten  dit,  de  maistre  Gontier  Col.  contenant 
sept  aulnes  et  demie.  XXIIIJ  s.  p. — p.  420.  Item,  ung  tappis  vielz,  fait,  comme 
Ten  dit,  aux  armes  de  maistre  Gontier  Col,  contenant  VIJ  aulnes  et  demie, 
inventorie  ou  dit  inventoire  articulo. 

1^  This  is  not  the  place  to  do  more  than  mention  the  vogue  of  tapestries  in 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  and  their  importance  to  literature  in  its 
graphic  aspects.     Its  significance  here  is  that  it  brings  out  Col's  love  for  the 


19 

There  is  one  side  of  the  Renaissance — the  Pagan  side — with 
which  Col  apparently  had  little  sympathy.  An  obvious  if  not  very 
convincing  religious  feeling  is  strikingly  characteristic  of  the  Duke 
of  Berry — a  sentiment  that  Col  apparently  shared;  and  the  gift 
made  by  Col  to  the  Duke  for  the  New  Year,  1404,  might  without 
anachronism  have  found  its  place  in  the  midst  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
This  was  the  gift  of  a  silver  arm,  in  which  were  set  "  a  bone  from  the 
arm  of  St.  Stephen,  a  bone  from  the  arm  of  Ste.  Colombe,  and  sev- 
eral other  relics."^®  It  may  have  been  in  the  nature  of  a  return  gift 
for  the  forty  "gectours"  given  him  by  the  duke  in  1401,  each  bear- 
ing on  one  side  "  Our  Lady  holding  her  child,  and  on  the  other  the 
arms  of  the  duke." 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  attitude  of  the  French 
dukes  of  the  royal  family  as  to  the  protection  and  cultivation  of  the 
arts  bore  a  resemblance  to  that  of  the  contemporary  Italian  princes. 
It  was  not  yet  the  well-defined  Renaissance  point  of  view;  every- 
thing done  at  this  time  still  retained  a  strong  mediaeval  flavor,  and 
it  was  preeminently  an  age  of  transition.  What  is  to  be  noted  is 
the  trend  of  the  times,  and  the  struggle  for  expression  in  terms  of  a 
new  formula  of  life.  The  Pre-Renaissance  in  France  was  not  a 
purely  scholarly  movement,  it  had  its  artistic  side,  in  which  even  an 
"intellectual"  like  Col,  whose  Humanistic  development  will  be  in- 
vestigated later,  takes  an  active  interest.  France  did  not  have  to 
wait  for  Francis  I  in  order  to  enjoy  the  picturesque  spectacle  of 
Princes  who  cultivated  the  arts  and  vied  with  each  other  in  ex- 
travagance. 

oh  jets  d'art.  See  J.  Guiffrey,  Histoire  de  la  tapisserie  en  France,  Paris,  1878-85; 
A.  Jubinal,  Rccherches  sur  I'usage  et  I'origine  des  Tapisseries  d  Personnages 
dites  historiecs,  Paris,  1840;  E.  Miintz,  La  Tapisserie,  Paris,  1882. 

^8  J.  Guiffrey,  Inventaire  de  Jean,  due  de  Berry,  Paris,  1894-96,  vol.  ii,  p.  181, 
No.  205 : 

Item,  un  bras  d'argent  ouquel  a  un  os  du  bras  de  Monseigneur  Saint 
Estienne,  un  autre  os  du  bras  de  Sainte  Colombe  et  plusieurs  autres  reliques; 
lequel  bras  ainsi  garni  de  reliques,  comme  dit  est,  maistre  Gontier  Col  avait 
donne  a  mondit  Seigneur  a  estrainnes,  le  premier  jour  de  Janvier,  I'an  mil  CCCC 
et  quatre. 

Vol.  ii,  p.  39,  No.  254: 

Item.  Sept  vins  treze  gect'ours  d'argent,  en  chascun  desquelz  a  en  I'un  des 
coustez  un  ymage  de  Nostre  Dame  tenant  son  enfant,  et  en  I'autre  les  armes  de 
mondit  Seigneur;  pesans  trois  mars,  une  once,  quatre  esterlins. 

Dominis  dedit  XL  magistro  Gonterio  Col  ut  monstrat  per  compotum  dicti 
Robineti  .  .  .  etc.   (1401). 


20 

IV. — Col  on  Embassies  concerned  with  the  Marriage  and 

LATER  WITH  THE  ReTURN  TO  FrANCE  OF  ISABELLA. 

Embassy  to  Florence 

The  mission  to  Avignon  may  have  had  some  influence  in  bringing 
about  Col's  connection  with  the  next  embassy  on  which  he  went — 
a  lay  mission  this  time,  yet  one  in  which  his  experience  at  Avignon 
and  his  knowledge  of  the  conditions  there  might  prove  of  value, 
although  the  question  of  the  Schism  was  to  be  taken  up  only  as  a 
side  issue.  The  enterprise  now  in  hand  was  the  marriage  of  Isa- 
bella of  France  to  Richard  II.  The  preliminaries  were  well  under 
way  when  Col  appears  in  the  matter,  and  King  Richard  was  anxious 
that  the  little  princess  should  be  given  into  his  care  in  the  first  week 
of  August,  1396,  at  Calais.  The  English  king  also  expressed  the 
desire  of  taking  this  opportunity  to  meet  the  dukes  of  Berry  and 
Burgundy  to  discuss  "sur  le  fait  de  I'Eglise  et  de  moult  autres 
choses  touchant  le  bien  et  Thonneur  de  luy  et  du  roy  et  de  leurs 
royaumes."^ 

The  king  of  France  demurred,^  finding  the  time  too  short  to  get 
Isabella's  trousseau  ready,  and  suggesting  Michaelmas  instead.  As 
to  the  meeting  with  the  dukes,  the  presence  of  the  Duke  of  Berry 
was  doubtful,  but  Burgundy  would  surely  meet  the  English  king  at 
Calais,^  and  he  would  have  power  to  treat  of  this  question  of  the 
Schism.  Burgundy  had  been  a  member  of  the  Avignon  embassy, 
as  has  been  noted,  so  it  seems  natural  to  find  Col's  name  in  the  list 
of  those  officials  who  were  to  accompany  him  to  Calais.  Whether 
Col  went  with  him  or  not  is  not  known,  as  his  name  is  not  in  the 
list  of  those  who  were  in  Philip's  company  when  he  reached  there 
some  time  in  August.^  This  may  be  due  to  an  oversight  of  the 
scribe,  to  some  accidental  detention  of  Col,  or  indeed  to  a  third  pos- 
sibility, which  may  be  here  set  down.    Up  to  this  time  Col  had  been 

1  Revue  d'Histoire  Diplomatique,  vol.  19,  p.  63 ;  Leon  Mirot,  IsabcIIe  de 
France,  reine  d'Angletcrre. 

2  L.  Mirot,  Un  trousseau  royal  a  la  fin  du  XI V^  Siccle,  in  Mcmoircs  de  la 
Society  de  I'Histoire  de  Paris  and  de  Vile  de  France,  vol.  29  (1902),  pp.  125-158. 

^Instructions  pour  Ics  dues  de  Berri  et  Bourgogne  (1396),  quoted  in  Kervyn 
de  Lettenhove's  edition  of  Froissart,  vol.  18,  p.  578,  from  Archives  Nationales, 
Paris,  J.  644:  36.  Also  quoted  by  L.  Mirot  in  Revue  d'Histoire  Diplomatique, 
vol.  19,  p.  66. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  70.     For  date  see  Petit,  Itineraire  de  Philippe  le  Hardy,  etc.,  p.  255. 


21 

involved  in  the  adjudication  of  the  Schism,  and  there  was  to  be  a 
meeting  in  Paris  in  mid- August,  called  in  history  the  "  journee  des 
Prelats,"  in  v^hich  that  question  was  to  be  discussed.  The  occa- 
sion had  been  considered  so  important  that,  in  the  "  Instructions  "' 
before  referred  to,  the  point  had  been  made  that  it  would  be  expe- 
dient for  the  duke  to  be  in  Paris  at  that  time.  Judging  by  Philip's 
tardy  arrival  in  Calais,  there  was  a  chance  that  he  might  not  get  back 
to  Paris  in  time  for  the  meeting,  and  in  that  case  Col,  as  the  writer 
of  the  "  Journal  "of  the  Avignon  embassy,  may  have  been  detained.* 

His  name  is  not  listed  in  connection  with  the  elaborate  wedding 
ceremonies  of  Richard  and  Isabella,  October,  1396,  and  the  famous 
interview  of  Ardres."^  In  view  of  the  number  of  noblemen  and 
famous  personages  who  were  there  present,  it  is  perhaps  not  to  be 
wondered  at  that  a  mere  secretary  of  the  King  should  be  lost  sight  of. 
However  that  may  be,  in  the  month  of  November  of  1396,  Col 
went  to  Florence  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Republic  of  Flor- 
ence for  the  King  his  master,  Charles  VI,  which  treaty  was  signed 
on  the  23d  of  that  month.  In  the  text  of  the  treaty  Col  is  listed  as 
"  viro  utique  venerando  atque  egregio  magistro  Guntero  Colli,  Sec- 
retario  &  Ambassiatore  &  Commissario  Domini  Serenissimi  Regis 
Francorum."  The  treaty  contained  certain  offensive  and  defensive 
features,  by  virtue  of  which  Florence  shortly  afterwards  called  on 
the  King  of  France  for  help  against  the  Duke  of  Milan.  In  this 
letter,  dated  the  30th  of  December  1396,®  Col  is  mentioned  as  "pru- 
dentissimus  vir,"  and  reference  is  made  to  the  fact  that  he  knows 
the  situation  in  Florence  well,  and  will  relate  the  whole  affair  to  the 
King  "viva  voce." 

Col  probably  did  not  make  a  long  stay  in  Florence  at  this  time; 
but  in  view  of  his  official  position  all  sorts  of  doors  were  open  to 
him,  and  he  had  the  best  possible  opportunities  to  meet  the  eminent 

*  Froissart,  ed.  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove,  Bruxelles,  1874,  vol.  18,  p.  580. 

'  Denifle  and  Ehrle,  Archiv  fiir  Uteratur  und  kirchengeschichte  des  tnittelal- 
ters,  Sechster  Band,  1892,  pp.  204-210,  might  lead  one  to  suppose  that  it  was 
not  in  his  official  capacity. 

^  F.  Meyer,  Annuaire-BuUctin  de  la  Societe  de  I'Histoire  de  France,  xol.xvin 
(1881),  p.  220  seq.  L.  Mirot,  Revue  d'Histoire  Diplomatique,  vol.  19,  pp.  83-95. 
Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  ii,  pp.  452-473. 

®  Roy,  Le  Chesnoy-lez-Sens,  p.  32;  J.  C.  Liinig,  Codex  Italiae  Diplomaticus. 
Francofurti  &  Lipsiae,  1725,  vol.  I,  cols.  1109,  11 16. 


22 

scholars  of  Humanistic  Florence,  and  Col  was  not  the  man  to  neglect 
such  opportunities.  The  trip  is  interesting  in  that  it  came  so  soon 
after  the  Avignon  embassy,  while  the  impression  made  by  that  trip 
was  still  fresh,  this  being  the  last  of  the  Italian  embassies  partici- 
pated in  by  Col. 

Although  Col  did  not  play  an  important  role  in  connection  with 
this  marriage  of  Isabella  of  France,  it  was  to  have  been  expected, 
in  accordance  with  the  royal  policy,  that  business  relating  to 
a  given  country  should  be  continued  by  the  accustomed  hands, 
that  Col's  name  would  appear  in  connection  with  Isabella's 
return  to  France  after  the  death  of  Richard.  He  was,  in 
fact,  one  of  the  envoys  who  were  sent  (1399-1400)  "es  marches 
de  Calais,"^  to  meet  the  messengers  of  England  and  ask  for 
the  return  of  Isabella  of  France,  the  widow  of  Richard  II, 
who,  according  to  the  marriage  contract,  was  to  be  returned  to 
Charles  VI  with  a  certain  amount  of  her  dowry,  should  Richard 
die  without  issue.  The  ambassadors  were  told  to  bring  up  before 
anything  else  the  question  of  the  restitution  of  the  little  queen. 
The  request  failed  of  the  desired  response,  inasmuch  as  Henry  IV 
wished  to  keep  Isabella,  and  marry  her  to  one  of  his  sons.  On  the 
last  of  May,  1400,^"  new  credentials  were  given  to  the  same  am- 
bassadors to  meet  the  English  "  es  marches  de  nostre  pais  de  Picar- 
die."  They  were  enjoined  to  insist,  before  the  matter  of  truces 
was  taken  up,  that  the  English  send  an  answer  to  the  request  made 
concerning  the  return  of  Isabella.  Of  this  embassy  Col  was  a  mem- 
ber; and  although  there  was  some  haggling  over  the  return  of  the 
wedding  presents  and  jewels, ^^  they  succeeded  in  getting  the  promise 
of  the  English  King  that  Isabella  would  be  sent  back  to  France  by 
the  first  of  November  at  the  latest.  This  was  not  the  last  of  the 
meetings  of  the  French  and  English  envoys.    They  convened  again 

^  Froissart,  vol.  18,  p.  587,  for  Instructions  donnces  a  L'Eveque  en  Chartres, 
messieur  Jchan  de  Hangest  .  .  .  maistre  Pierre  Blanchet  .  .  .  et  maistre  Gontier 
Col.  January  29,  1399.  L.  Mirot,  Revue  d'Histoire  Diplomatique,  vol.  19.  p.  486. 
Rymer's  Foedere.  App.,  A.  C.  D.,  Thresor  des  Chartes,  p.  66,  §  25.  Religieux 
de  St.  Denis,  vol.  iii,  p.  2. 

1°  Douet  d'.^rcq,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  171  seq. 

11  Douet  d'Arcq,  Pieces  inedites,  vol.  ii,  p.  273.  B.  Williams,  Cronicques  de 
la  Trahison  &  de  la  inort  de  Richard  II,  roi  d'Angletcrre,  London,  1846,  pp. 
108-113.  Sir  Harry  Nicolas,  Proceedings  and  Ordinances  of  the  Privy  Council 
of  England,  vol.  i,  p.  133. 


23 

in  the  Spring^^  to  settle  the  details  of  the  landing  of  the  youthful 
queen,^^  and  finally  to  draw  up  the  requisite  legal  documents — 
which  Col  duly  signed  in  his  official  capacity.^^  Although  July 
6th  had  been  the  date  set  for  her  to  be  restored  to  the  French  repre- 
sentatives, Isabella  did  not  arrive  until  the  first  of  August.  As 
Col's  name  appears  in  some  negotiations  at  Leulingham  on  the  third 
of  August,  it  is  probable  that  he  witnessed  the  ceremonies  of  her 
reception,  which  were  carried  out  with  great  pomp. 

The  negotiations  referred  to,  in  which  Col  took  part,  were  sup- 
posedly to  discuss  questions  connected  with  the  return  of  Isabella, 
but  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  whole  sitting  was  given  over  to  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  truces. ^^ 

This  connection  of  Gontier  Col  with  Isabella's  marriage  and 
subsequent  return  to  France  is  of  special  interest  to  us,  because  it 
constitutes  his  introduction  into  the  kind  of  work  which  he  did  for 
the  rest  of  his  life.  I  refer  to  his  role  as  a  diplomatic  agent  or 
"  negociateur  "  as  it  was  then  called. 

By  this  time,  Col  had  won  for  himself  a  certain  position  in  Paris. 
His  name  appears  in  the  "  Liste  des  Bourgeois  notables  de  Paris  a  la 
fin  du  XIV®  siecle  et  au  commencement  du  XV®  siecle,"^^  in  the 
category  including,  "  Apothecaires,  chirurgiens,  medecins,  pro- 
cureurs,  sergents  et  autres  professions  liberales."  A  bourgeois  by 
birth  and  standing,  and  as  has  already  been  seen,  in  easy  circum- 
stances financially,^"^  he  had  married  in  the  bourgeoisie,  and  was 
personally  and  by  affiliation  a  fairly  representative  type  of  the 
tiers  ctat  which  was  coming  to  the  fore  at  that  time  and  which 
Charles  V  had  utilized  to  instil  new  blood  into  the  body  politic.  y' 
The  bourgeoisie  was  "  popular " ;  it  had  been  so  as  far  back 
as  the  days  of  Reyiard  le  Contrefait,  in  which  poem  it  is  frankly 

^2  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  3.  p.  3.  L.  Mirot,  Revue  d'Histotre  Diplo- 
tna/igue,  vol.  19,  p.  500  (March  23, 1401).  Instructions  to  Ambassadors.  Thrcsor 
des  Chartes,  p.  68.  Ibid.  B.  Williams,  Chronicque  de  la  Traison  et  mart  de 
Richart  deux  roy  dengletcrrc,  London,  1848,  p.  Ixiii.  J.  H.  Wylie,  History  of 
England  under  Henry  the  Fourth,  London,  1884-1898,  vol.  i,  p.  13. 

^3  Sir  Harry  Nicolas,  Proceedings  and  Ordinances  of  the  Privy  Council  of 
England.  London,  1834-37,  vol.  i,  pp.  130-131,  136. 

^*  Rymer,  vol.  8,  p.  194. 

^5  Ibid.,  p.  219. 

1^  Le  Roux  de  Lincy  et  Tisserand,  Paris  et  ses  Historiens,  Paris,  1867,  p.  253. 

!■'  Poree,  op.  cit.,  p.  21. 


24 

set  up  as  a  social  ideal.  The  general  hatred  of  the  nobles  prev- 
alent in  the  fourteenth  century  tended  to  keep  up  this  popu- 
larity, a  hatred  that  was  a  legacy  of  the  Jacquerie^®  and  was 
enhanced  by  the  defeats  of  Crecy  and  Poitiers,  for  which  the 
country  held  the  nobles  responsible — not  realizing  that  the  old 
feudal  army  of  knights  was  simply  no  longer  an  efficient  instrument 
of  warfare  when  pitted  against  the  serried  ranks  of  the  men-at- 
arms.  The  king  is  offered  a  hint  to  this  effect  in  the  anonymous 
Dit  de  Poictiers,  whose  author  suggests  that  when  next  the  king 
goes  to  war  he  will  do  well  not  to  put  too  much  faith  in  his  nobles : 
"  S'il  est  bien  conseille,  il  n'oubliera  mie 
Mener  Jacques  Bonhome  en  sa  grant  compagnie."" 

The  point  that  has  been  touched  upon  at  times,  is  not  to  be 
pressed,  that  the  author  was  proposing  an  alliance  between  the  pro- 
letariat and  the  king;  yet  the  lines  show  that  minds  were  breaking 
away  from  a  feudal  conception  of  life.  There  was  a  shifting  of 
sociological  values,  and  the  bourgeoisie  was  coming  to  the  front. 

V. — Treasurer  and  Diplomatic  Agent;  Banishment 
(1401-1413) 

The  period  from  1401  to  1407  is  one  during  which  Col's  diplo- 
matic career  was  at  a  standstill.  He  is  mentioned  in  the  list  of  am- 
bassadors on  April  14,  1400,^  but  between  that  date  and  1407  he  is 
not  listed  anew.  His  name  is  not  to  be  found  in  Rymer  between 
these  two  dates. 

Col's  activity  along  other  lines  in  this  period  can  be  established 
more  accurately.  He  is  at  work  in  connection  with  the  finances  of 
the  kingdom  in  1400,  to  judge  by  an  ordonnance  in  which  he  is  listed 
as  follows :' 

"  Que  pour  estre  a  nos  conseils,  soient  dix  de  nos  secretaires  qui 
aient  gages  de  secretaires  et  non  autres  "  and  of  them  "  six  et  non 
plus  signeront  sur  nos  finances." 

"  S.  Luce,  Histoire  de  la  Jacquerie,  Paris,  1894,  chap,  ii,  part  i. 

^^  Bihliothcque  de  l'£.cole  des  Chartes  (1850-1851),  3*  serie,  vol.  2,  p.  263, 
11.  93-95- 

^  Thresor  des  Chartres,  Rept.  Foedere,  Appt.  D,  p.  68. 

2  Deleted. 

8  Secousse,  vol.  8,  p.  417,  Item  22,  January  7,  1400.  (Entry  bears  on  edge  of 
paper  "  De  secretariis  consiliorum.")  See  also  Meslanges  Historiques,  Troyes, 
MDCXix,  p.  32. 


25 

Col's  name  is  in  both  lists. ^  The  ordonnance  in  which,  under 
date  of  June  4,  1404,  he  is  named  one  of  the  two  tresoriers  of 
France,  mentions  his  previous  experience  in  this  position  -^ 

"Que  doresnavant  ne  ayons  pour  tout  nostredit  demaine,  tant 
sur  les  Finances  d'icelluy  comme  sur  la  Justice,  que  deux  tresoriers 
lesquels  nous  avons  nommez  et  nommons  Gontier  Col  et  Jehan  de  la 
Cloche  lesquels  ont  exerce  ja  par  longtemps  bien  et  duement  ledit 
office,  et  de  la  loyaute  et  souffisance  desquels  nous  sommes  bien 
informes  et  bien  contents."^ 

It  may  be  inferred  that  he  held  this  position  until  1407,^  when 
he  is  listed  among  the  thirteen  secretaries  "pour  estre  a  noz  con- 
seils,"  but  no  reference  is  made  to  any  fiscal  position.  This  is  about 
the  date  when  his  diplomatic  activities  begin  again. '^* 

In  April,  1408,  Col  once  more  appeared  in  his  role  of  "nego» 
ciateur."  This  time  he  and  Casin  de  Serinvilliers  are  sent  over  to 
England®  to  continue  negotiations  for  truces  begun  in  September, 
1407.  When  they  landed  the  king  was  in  the  North  of  England,  but 
English  representatives  were  named  to  meet  them,  and  the  truce 
was  extended  to  the  last  of  September,  1408.®  Col's  stay  in  Eng- 
land was  comparatively  short  this  time,  judging  by  the  safe-conduct 
for  him  and  sixteen  persons  which  is  dated  the  last  of  April,  1408.^*^ 

*  For  functions  and  origins  of  the  "  secretaire  des  finances "  see  Morel, 
pp.  68-70. 

5  Secousse,  vol.  9,  p.  698.  D'Hozier  (Btbltothcque  Nationale,  Pieces  origi- 
nales,  vol.  807,  piece  7)  says  that  there  were  four :  "  Gontier  Col,  notaire  et  sec- 
retaire du  roy  Charles  VI,  et  I'un  des  quatre  tresoriers  generaux  de  France." 

®  Col  considered  this  position  an  important  one,  for  in  his  letter  to  the  Pope 
(cited  chap,  i,  note  19)  he  speaks  of  his  being  in  the  employ  of  the  King  of 
France,  and  being  promoted  from  minor  offices  to  more  important  ones,  "  pos- 
tremo  vero  in  thesauriatus  officio."*^  He  goes  on  to  say  that  formerly,  because 
of  the  work  involved,  there  had  been  seven  appointees  to  the  above-mentioned 
post,  but  that  when  he  held  it  there  were  only  two,  and  on  that  account  he  had 
been  much  overworked  and  unable  to  carry  out  a  number  of  plans  that  he  had 
made.  The  whole  letter  is  interesting  in  that  it  is  the  most  personal  bit  of 
writing  that  Col  has  left  us. 

^  Secousse,  vol.  9,  p.  287,  §  28,  January  7. 

""^  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  trace  Col's  activities  as  trcsorier. 

8Rymer,  vol.  8,  pp.  513,  515,  517,  521-525.     Wylie,  Henry  IV,  vol.  3,  p.  99. 

8  Carte,  Rolles  ii,  p.  195.     Membrana  12. 

I*'  Rymer,  vol.  8,  p.  525,  Calendar  of  the  Patent  Rolls  preserved  in  the  Public 
Record  Office,  London,  1903-09,  Henry  IV,  vol.  iii,  p.  485.  Rotulus  viagii.  9 
Henry  IV.     Membrane  8  (1408). 

■  Bulletin  du  Comite  Historique,  1851-1893,  p.  92. 


26 

This  document  is  interesting  in  that  it  speaks  of  Col  as  being  "  Con- 
seiller  et  Premier  Secretaire  nostre  adversaire  de  France."  He  is 
again  called  a  Conseiller  in  the  safe-conduct^^  of  the  party  of  three 
hundred  headed  by  the  archbishop  of  Sens,  who  set  out  in  the  late 
summer  of  1409  to  meet  the  English  and  again  take  up  the  matter 
of  the  truces.  The  meeting  never  took  place,  however,  the  French 
Embassy  having  waited  in  Amiens  until  November  for  the  English, 
who  never  came.^^  It  was  during  this  time  of  waiting  that  the 
archbishop  of  Sens  was  involved  in  the  disgrace,  followed  by  the 
death,  of  his  brother,  accused  of  dishonesty  in  fiscal  matters.  The 
prelate's  clever  ruse  to  gain  his  liberty  is  entertainingly  related  by 
Monstrelet.^^ 

Paris  seems  to  have  grown  weary  of  the  non-arrival  of  the  Eng- 
lish ambassadors  at  Amiens,  and  decided  on  war.^^  Even  then  all 
diplomatic  relations  were  not  broken  off.  Safe-conducts  were  given 
by  the  English  king  to  French  envoys,  including  the  Bishop  of 
Noyon,  Tignonville  and  Col;^'  and  their  meetings  resulted  in  new 
truces,^^  "in  terra  particularium  et  in  mari  generalium."  In  1410- 
141 1  Col's  name  appears  as  a  member  of  a  party  headed  by  the 
Bishop  of  Noyon  which  arranged  a  truce  for  the  year  1411^^  and 
returned  to  France  in  the  spring.^®  In  1410  Col  was  not  only  an 
envoy  to  foreign  countries,  but  was  engaged  in  factional  negotia- 
tions as  well.  The  rivalry  between  the  dukes  of  Berry  and  Bur- 
gundy was  growing  more  and  more  acrimonious.  It  was  common 
gossip  that  Berry  was  planning  to  gather  an  army  which  he  would 
conduct  to  Paris  to  see  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  (who  was 
there  with  him)^^ — a  plan  that  John  was  at  no  pains  to  conceal. ^'^ 

11  Rymer,  vol.  8.  p.  593,  15  August. 

^-  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  4,  p.  253. 

13  Monstrelet,  ed.,  Douet  d'Arcq,  Chroniquc,  Paris,  1857-62,  vol.  ii,  pp.  46-47. 
Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  iv,  p.  280. 

1*  Douet  d'Arcq,  Pieces  incdites,  vol.  i,  p.  322. 

I'' Rymer,  vol.  8,  p.  630;  p.  652;  p.  659;  Carte,  Rolles,  vol.  ii,  p.  199. 

^°  Rymer,  vol.  8,  pp.  668-674.  Monstrelet,  vol.  ii,  p.  96.  Carte,  Rolles,  ii, 
p.  200. 

1^  Carte,  Rolles,  vol.  ii,  p.  201. 

1*  Rymer,  vol.  8,  p.  681 ;  Carte,  Rolles.  ii,  p.  202. 

10  Juvenal  des  Ursins,  Histoire  de  Charles  VI,  ed.  Michaud  et  Poujoulat, 
Paris,  1854.  p.  454. 

20  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  iv,  p.  343. 


27 

To  forestall  anything  further  of  that  nature,  the  King  sent  to  him  a 
deputation  of  "illustres  et  notables  personnages  qu'on  savait  lui 
etre  chers,  pour  le  faire  changer  de  resolution";  and  Col  was  one 
of  them.^^  The  embassy  came  to  naught, ^^  and  partisan  warfare 
was  waged  by  the  followers  of  the  two  dukes  until  November,  when 
a  truce  was  proclaimed.^^  It  was  not  long  effectual,  and  the  year 
141 1  is  full  of  civil  war  waged  by  the  two  political  parties.  Both 
sides  were  bidding  for  English  help,  but  some  messages  sent  by 
Orleans  and  Berry  to  Henry  of  England  fell  into  hostile  hands  and 
were  communicated  to  Charles  VI. ^"^  Burgundy  lost  no  time  in 
making  the  most  of  these  documents,  and  civil  war  was  started  anew. 
Col  was  banished  as  an  Armagnac,^^  and  had  some  difficulties  con- 
cerning his  post,  as  we  learn  from  the  following  entry  in  the  "  Jour- 
nal "  of  Nicolas  de  Baye  -^^ 

Lundi,  xj®  jour  de  juillet. 

Sur  la  requeste  faicte  par  maistre  Richard  Coste  et  baillee  par 
escript  avecques  lettres  de  bannissement  a  I'encontre  de  maistre 
Gontier  Col,  qui  s'estoit  rendu  fuitif  et  estoit,  comme  Ten  disoit, 
avec  mons.  d'Orleans  ou  ses  adherens,  et  oy  maistre  J.  Fourcaut,  qui 
en  la  cause  avoit  ja  piega  occuppe  pour  ledit  Gontier,  lequel  Fourcaut 
a  dit  que  piega  n'avoit  occuppe  pour  ledit  Gontier,  ne  ne  voloit  oc- 
cuper. 

Dit  a  este  que  la  Court  oste  I'empeschement  fait  et  mis  audit 
Coste  pour  cause  des  bourses  de  notaire,  en  tant  que  touche  ledit 
Gontier.    Conseil  XIII  (X^*  1479),  ^o\.  207  v°. 

This  was  soon  straightened  out  by  the  enforced  peace  between 
the  Burgundians  and  the  Armagnacs,  and  offices  lost  through  the 
civil  war  were  restored.  On  the  whole,  Col's  eclipse  from  diplo- 
matic life  was  short,  for  his  name  appears  again  on  a  safe-conduct 
dated  October  8,  1413;  this  is  on  the  supposition  that  no  documents 
bearing  Col's  name  have  been  lost." 

21  De  Barante,  Vie  des  dues  de  Bourgogne,  vol.  iii,  p.  172  (ed.  Paris,  1837)  ; 
Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  iv,  343. 

22  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  iv,  343-351- 

23  Douet  d'Arcq,  Choix  de  Pieces  Incditcs,  vol.  i,  329-335. 

2*  Monstrelet,  vol.  ii,  236;  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  iv,  626-630;  Douet 
d'Arcq,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  pp.  248-49. 

^^  Bibliotheque  de  l'£cole  des  Chartes,  No.  48  (1887);  J.  Guiffrey,  Inven- 
ta'ire  des  Tapisseries  du  roi  Charles  VI  vendues  par  les  Anglais  en  1422,  p.  105, 
n.  6.     Roy,  (Euvres  Poctiques  de  Christine  de  Pisan,  Paris,  1891,  vol.  ii,  p.  v. 

28  Ed.  Tuetey,  Paris,  1885-1888,  vol.  ii,  p.  74. 

2"  Secousse,  vol.  x,  p.  24. 


28 

Therefore  Col  did  not  take  part  in  drawing  up  the  truces  of 
1412,  but  he  is  back  at  his  position  in  the  autumn  of  the  ensuing 
year,  as  a  member  of  the  embassy  headed  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Bourges,^^  whose  credentials  were  signed  by  Charles  on  the  nth 
of  November.^^  The  party  reached  London  in  December,  and  were 
put  up  at  Bishop  Langley's  hostel.^'^  Their  stay  was  moderately 
long,  as  the  truces  were  not  signed  until  the  24th  of  January,  1414,^^ 
their  safe-conducts  not  until  the  23d  of  January.^^ 

There  was  discussed  at  this  time  the  question  of  the  marriage 
of  Catherine  of  France,  daughter  of  Charles  VI,  to  Henry  V.  The 
French  ambassadors  were  empowered  to  treat  of  this  matter,  which 
was  done;  and  the  upshot  of  it  was  that  Henry  promised  that  he 
would  enter  into  no  contract  of  marriage  with  any  woman  save 
Catherine  of  France  up  to  the  first  of  the  following  May.^^ 

In  connection  with  the  negotiations  for  a  marriage  of  Henry  V 
and  Catherine,  Col  encountered  a  diplomatic  defeat;  he  was  hope- 
lessly outclassed  by  the  diplomacy  of  the  English  king.  Col  was 
with  the  party  of  French  envoys  accredited  to  Henry,  who  went  to 
the  King  at  Leicester  between  the  17th  of  May  and  the  2d  of  June.^* 
That  Col  was  in  England  as  late  as  the  i  ith  of  June  is  proved  by  the 
date  of  his  safe-conduct. ^°  In  the  course  of  the  same  month,  under 
Col's  very  eyes,  Henry  V  was  negotiating  wnth  the  representatives 
of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  concerning  the  possibility  of  a  marriage 
with  that  prince's  daughter,  also  Catherine  by  name.^^  That  Col 
should  not  have  known  of  the  presence  of  the  envoys  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  at  the  English  Court  at  that  time  seems  preposterous. 

28  Rymer,  vol.  9.  p.  90.     Carte,  Rolles,  vol.  ii,  p.  209. 

2»Rynier,  vol.  9,  p.  69.  Beaucourt,  Histoire  de  Charles  VII,  Paris,  1881- 
91,  vol.  i,  p.  254. 

80  J.  H.  Wylie,  The  Reign  of  Henry  V,  Cambridge  University  Press,  1914, 
vol.  i,  p.  156. 

81  Rymer,  vol.  9,  pp.  91-101,  103,  iio.  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  118;  Carte,  Rolles, 
vol.  ii,  p.  218.     (Date  given  as  January  28). 

82  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  90;  Carte,  Rolles,  vol.  ii,  p.  210. 

88  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  104.  Time  extended,  pp.  140  and  182.  Carte,  Rolles, 
vol.  ii,  211. 

8*  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  189. 

85  RjTner,  vol.  9,  p.  139;  Carte,  Rolles,  vol.  ii,  p.  213. 

8«  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  136;  Wylie,  Henry  V,  vol.  i,  p.  411;  Beaucourt,  Charles 
VII,  vol.  i,  p.  255. 


29 

Nor  indeed  is  there  any  doubt  that  they  were  there.^^  It  seems  in- 
explicable that  a  successful  negotiator  like  Col  should  have  been 
hoodwinked  in  such  a  matter,  the  more  so  as  he  was  an  Armagnac 
and  owed  his  exile  to  the  Burgundian  party,  so  that  he  could  scarcely 
have  been  suspected  of  a  desire  to  shield  them  through  his  silence. 

VI. — Embassy  to  the  Duke  of  Brittany  (1414) 

During  Col's  trip  to  England  in  1414,  he  was  in  relations  with  \ 
Jeanne  of  Navarre,  widow  of  Henry  IV,  and  undertook  a  mission  for 
her.  Her  first  marriage  had  been  to  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  who  had 
died,  leaving  her  a  son  whose  guardianship  she  gave  up  on  marrying 
Henry.  She  claimed  that  certain  dower  rights  of  hers  settled  on 
her  by  the  then  duke,  her  husband,  were  not  being  paid  to  her  by 
her  son;  accordingly  she  engaged  Col  to  go  to  him  in  her  behalf 
and  ask  that  she  be  given  her  due.  Maitre  Gontier  has  related  at  "^ 
great  length  the  details  and  outcome  of  this  mission.^  The  heading 
of  his  entry  runs  : 

Cy  apres  ensuit  ce  que  je  Gontier  Col  ay  dit  de  par  tres  haulte 
et  tres  excellent  princesse  la  royne  d'Angleterre  a  hault  et  puissant 
prince  le  due  de  Bretaingne,  son  filz,  en  sa  ville  de  Rennes,  le  XVIII 
jour  d'ottobre  mil  CCCCXIIII,  presens  a  ce  son  chancellier,  I'eves- 
que  de  Cornouaille  son  confesseur,  et  aucuns  autres. 

The  relation  itself  begins  with  a  flourish  (p.  74)  : 

Moult  hault  et  puissant  prince,  et  mon  tres  honnoure  et  redoubte 
seigneur,  la  tres  excellent  et  tres  noble  princesse  la  royne  d'Angle- 
terre, vostre  dame  et  mere,  vous  salue  de  tres  bon  cuer  par  vraye 
amour  et  dilection  maternelle  en  charite  non  faincte,  comme  la 
creature  qui  soit  en  cest  monde  qu'elle  plus  ame  et  qu'elle  desire  plus 
a  veoir,  etc. 

The  communication  goes  on  to  say  that  the  Queen  wishes  her 
son  to  be  informed  that  in  him  "  gist  et  repose  toute  sa  gloire,  son 
reconfort  et  son  esperance";  and  continues  with  a  long,  pedantic 
passage,  so  characteristic  of  the  times  that  I  shall  quote  it  in  full, 

3"  Rj-mer,  vol.  9,  p.  189.  For  expenses  of  Henry  V,  "  par  luy  paiez  pour  les 
depenses  des  ambassadeurs  de  duk  de  Bourgogne  "  from  the  19th  of  April  to 
the  17th  of  June. 

^Bulletin  du  Comite  Htstorique  des  Monuments  Ecrits  de  I'Histoire  de 
France,  vol.  iv,  1853  (found  under  rubric,  1851-1853),  pp.  73-93. 


30 

in  spite  of — or,  I  may  rather  say,  in  order  to  illustrate — the  unen- 
durable lengths  to  which  Col  carries  a  metaphor  when  once  he  has 
hit  upon  it. 

Et  ce  n'est  mie  sens  cause  que  ainsy  le  doye  elle  avoir  en  vous. 
Car  comme  diet  le  saige  Cathon  a  son  filz :  "Consilium  arcanum 
tacito  commicte  sodali.  Corporis  auxilium  medico  commicte 
fideli " ;  et  apres  dit :  "  Nee  quisquis  melior  medicus  quam  fidus 
amicus,"  c'est  a  dire :  "  Tu  dois  commectre  ton  conseil  secret 
a  ton  taisible  compaignon,"  ou  "  serviteur,"  et  le  secons :  "  et  aide 
de  ton  corps  au  loyal  medecin,"  ne  "  il  n'est  nul  meilleur  medecin 
que  ung  loyal  ami."  Et  mon  tres  redoubte  seigneur,  vous  estes  son 
loyal  ami,  son  loyal  medicin,  en  qui  tile  a  parfaicte  confiance  et  es- 
perance  ferme  d'estre  par  vous  guerie  de  la  grant  douleur  et  griefve 
maladie  qu'elle  soufre,  Car  comme  dist  Francois  Petrarcha  en  une 
sienne  espitre :  "  Ille  efficacissimus  est  medicus  ad  sanandum,  de  quo 
eger  maxime  sperat;  celluy  est  tres  efficax  medecin  pour  guerir  de 
qui  le  malade  a  tres  grant  confiance."  Et  pour  ce,  tres  honnoure  et 
redoubte  seigneur,  que,  comme  dist  Boece  en  son  livre  qu'il  fist  de 
Consolationc  Philozophie,  ou  premier  livre,  en  la  HIP  phrase:  Si 
medicantis  opperam  expectas  opportet  vulnus  detegas;  se  tu  actens 
lemire  et  I'opperation  du  medecin,  il  convient  que  tu  luy  des- 
cueuvres  ta  playe;  pour  ce  m'a  elle  envoye  devers  vous  pour  vous 
descouvrir  et  ouvrir  sa  playe  et  la  cause  de  sa  douleur  afin  que,  icelle 
playe  bien  a  vous  descouverte  a  plain,  vous  y  vueillez  remedier  et  li 
bailler  oignement  et  anthidote  salutaire,  ainsy  qu'elle  en  a  en  vous 
parfaicte  fiance  et  que  tenus  y  estes.  Et  ja  soit  ce  que  vous  aiez 
piega  eue  cognoissance  et  scene  la  plus  grant  partie  de  la  cause  et 
racine  de  sa  ditte  douleur  et  de  sa  maladie  par  aucuns  de  ses  servi- 
teurs  et  par  ses  lettres,  neantmoins  ne  s'en  est  elle  encores  apper- 
ceue  et  ne  scet  se  ceulz  qu'elle  y  a  envoyez  ont  vouleu  ou  ose  dire  ce 
qu'elle  leur  avoit  enchargie,  car  par  chose  qu'ilz  vous  aient  dit  ne 
qu'elle  vous  en  ait  escript,  elle  ne  s'est  point  apperceue  d'aucun 
amendement  ne  n'est  sa  playe  venue  a  cicatrice,  ne  environnee  et 
liee  d'oignement  medicinal  ne  nourrie  d'uille  ou  de  basme."  Non- 
dum  nee  plaga  venit  ad  cicatricem  nee  est  circumligata  medicamine 
neque  fota  oleo  "  Et  pour  ce  elle  esperant  fermement  que  a  ceste 
foiz  elle  y  trouvera  confort  et  remede  convenable,  et  que  vous  vous 
monstrerez  envers  elle  filz  d'obedience,  vray  et  loyal  amy  et  medicin 
de  salut  en  qui  elle  a  toute  confiance  et  ferme  esperance,  elle  m'a 
renvoye  devers  vous,  car  le  saige  Cathon  que  j'ay  cy-devant  allegue, 
dit ;  "  Cumque  mones  aliquem  nee  se  velit  ipse  moneri,  si  tibi  sit 
carus,  noli  desistere  ceptis  " ;  c'est  a  dire ;  "  Se  tu  admonnestes  ancun 
a  faire  bien  et  il  ne  y  veult  condescendre  ne  enterdre,  s'il  est  tel  que 


31 

tu  I'aies  cher  et  Tames,  ne  desiste  point  a  faire  et  continuer  ce  que 
tu  as  commencie."  Et  pour  ce  que  sur  toutes  les  choses  de  ce 
monde,  elle  vous  ame,  elle  ne  se  veult  desister  de  vous  admonnester 
de  bien  faire  et  de  vous  acquicter  envers  Dieu,  envers  vostre  vaillant 
pere  et  envers  elle.  Et  quant  il  plaira  a  vostre  tres  haulte  seigneurie 
et  profonde  prudence,  je  vous  diray  tout  au  long  son  intention  et 
la  descouverte  de  sa  douleur  et  maladie  soit  a  vous  seul,  soit  en  la 
presence  de  vostre  conseil  ou  ainsy  qu'il  vous  plaira  moy  commander. 
Et  veez  cy  unes  lettres  closes  qu'elle  vous  envoye. 

Col  concludes  by  asking  for  a  private  interview^,  which  is  granted 
to  him — so  far  as  its  privacy  is  concerned — to  the  extent  that  the 
duke  keeps  with  him  only  "  son  chancelier,  I'evesque  de  Cornouaille 
et  son  confesseur,  les  arcediacres  de  Rennes  et  de  Nantes,  Joecte  et 
Mauleon." 

After  all  these  preliminaries,  Col  finally  attacks  the  real  matter 
in  hand — not  without  first  assuring  the  Duke  that  he  will  say 
only  what  he  has  been  asked  to  say,  and  protesting  his  unworthiness 
for  treating  matters  so  important  and  involving  personages  so  ex- 
alted. Then  follows  a  six-page  speech,  which  although  again  inter- 
larded with  Latin  quotations,  is  much  more  to  the  point.  Col 
begins  with  a  panegyric  of  the  Duke's  father,  and  of  Queen  Jeanne, 
and  then  reminds  the  Duke  that  "  la  loy  dit :  Interest  rei  publice,  ne 
mulieres  remaneant  indotate,"^  and  that  the  custom  of  the  duchy  is 
that  the  duchess  must  have  as  dowry  a  third  of  the  duchy,  without 
counting  the  conquests  made  since  the  marriage,  nor  the  furniture,  y^ 
which  come  to  her  by  right.  All  this  the  deceased  duke  under- 
stood and  conceded,  and  acted  accordingly,  even  arranging  a  sliding 
scale  of  fines  for  the  non-payment  of  her  dowry.  Not  only  has  this 
not  been  paid,  but  the  Queen  has  a  "  caier  "  full  of  grievances  which 
she  sends  to  her  son,  whose  unfilial  conduct  she  puts  down  to  bad 
advice  from  his  entourage  (p.  8i)  : 

Car  elle  me  dist  en  plourant :  Gontier,  je  suis  plus  doulente  de  mon 
enfent,  que  je  voy  ainsi  desvoye  et  hors  de  sa  bonne  inclination 
naturelle,  que  je  ne  suis  de  tout  quanque  on  m'a  fait  de  griefz,  car 
je  I'ay  tousjours  trouve  vray,  naturel,  loyal,  humble  et  obeissant  filz 
envers  moy,  mais  [ceux]  qu'il  a  entour  luy  et  qui  le  gouvernent  a 
leur  guise,  et  vivent  et  amandent  du  sien,  grandement  lui  ont  fait 
faire  en  ce  et  en  autres  choses  ce  qu'il  a  mal  fait  et  il  le  cognoistra 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  78. 


32 

bien  au  lon^  a  I'eur,  Je  n'en  doubte  mie,  et  quant  il  les  aura  bien 
cogneuz,  il  les  amera  moins  et  les  mectra  arriere  de  soy,  s'il  est  saige 
et  bien  advisez. 

To  turn  the  duke  from  his  present  course,  Col  proceeds  to  quote 
Scripture  concerning  the  duty  of  children  to  parents.  He  then 
waxes  confidential,  and  reminds  the  Duke  that  Jeanne  is  only  a 
woman  after  all  (p.  83).  "  Car  comme  dit  maistre  Jehan  de  Alehun 
en  son  livre  de  la  Rose :  Tel  avantaige  ont  toutes  f emmes  qu'ells  sont 
de  leur  voulente  dames."  That  is  Jeanne,  if  not  satisfied,  may  call 
upon  the  King  of  France  for  justice,  or  marry  either  a  French  or 
English  nobleman  or  great  prince,  who  will  come  and  wreak  ven- 
geance on  an  undutiful  son  and  lay  waste  his  lands.  The  Duke  too 
is  a  diplomat  and  answers  in  kind :  "  Gontier,  saiches  certainement 
que  je  vueil  faire  et  acomplir  toute  ma  vie  la  bonne  voulente  et 
plaisir  de  madame  ma  mere,  ne  ja  jour  que  je  vive  ne  feray  le  con- 
traire  " ;  and  he  keeps  Col  to  dinner. 

But  the  matter  stops  there.  Col  can  get  no  satisfactory  answer 
from  either  duke  or  chancellor.  Finally  after  a  fruitless  stay  of 
fourteen  days,  he  seeks  out  the  authorities  anew  and  makes  them 
the  following  proposition  (p.  84)  : 

Messieurs,  je  voy  bien  que  vous  avez  moult  a  faire  et  estes 
moult  embesongn)ez  pour  I'alee  de  monseigneur  et  de  madame  en 
France.  S'il  vous  plaist,  je  feray  une  minue  pour  vous  abregier  et 
relever  de  peine  de  ce  qu'il  me  semble  que  mon  seigneur  le  due  doit 
faire.  Et  ilz  me  respondirent  que  je  disoye  tres  bien  et  qu'ils  m'en 
prioient.  Adonc  fiz  les  minues  qui  s'ensuivent,  lesquelles  je  leur 
baillay. 

Col's  "  minues  "  proceed  to  enumerate  the  various  moneys  the 
Queen  claims,  and  demands  the  restitution  to  the  Queen's  appointees 
of  positions  within  her  gift  which  had  been  fraudulently  given  to 
followers  of  the  Duke.  It  mentions  furniture,  embroideries,  letters 
that  the  Queen  claims.  The  letter  mentioned  above  then  follows. 
It  did  not  find  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  Duke  or  his  Council,  so  the 
wily  ambassador  wrote  another. 

Col  is  now  genuinely  alarmed  as  to  the  outcome  of  his  embassy; 
he  lays  aside  all  flights  of  oratory,  and  his  anxiety  is  couched  in 
very  simple  style  :^ 

3  Op.  cit.,  p.  89. 


33 

Et  s'il  semble  a  mon  dit  s''  le  due  qu'il  y  doive  avoir  aucune 
moderation,  adjonction,  ou  exception,  soit  fait  a  sa  bonne  voulente 
et  plaisir;  mais  que,  pour  Dieu,  je  ne  m'en  aille  point  ainsi  que  je 
suis  venu,  sens  qu'il  appere  a  madame  sa  mere  que  je  aye  aucune- 
ment  besongne  en  la  matere  pour  laquelle  elle  m'a  envoye  par  devers 
monsieur  son  filz :  de  laquelle  chose  je  lui  supplie  tres-humblement. 

Col  can  get  no  answer  from  the  Duke's  entourage  in  reply  to  the 
second  letter,  beyond  the  general  statement  of  their  prince's  filial 
intentions  towards  Queen  Jeanne. 

Apres  ces  choses  (Col  continues)'*  je  vins  au  due,  et  lui  dis  la 
response  dessus  dicte  qui  m'avoit  este  faicte  de  par  lui  en  lui  suj>- 
pliant  que  je  eusse  de  lui  aultre  response,  et  que  onques,  en  ma  vie 
n'avois  este  en  ambaxade  dont  je  ne  reportasse  response  par  escript 
de  ee  que  je  avoye  dit  et  bailie  par  escript,  et  aussi  qu'il  me  rendist 
le  quayer  que  je  lui  avoye  bailie,  signe  de  la  main  de  sa  dame  et 
mere.  A  quoy  il  me  repondi  qu'il  envoyeroit  devers  sa  dame  et 
mere  de  ses  gens  qui  la  contenteroient  et  diroient  sa  voulente  du 
tout,  quant  il  seroit  a  Paris  ou  en  France,  la  oii  il  et  la  duchesse 
venoient,  ou  qu'il  me  feroit  lors  tele  et  si  bonne  response  que  j'en 
seroie  bien  content  et  par  moy  mesme  lui  feroit  faire  la  dicte  response 
agreable  a  elle.  Et  quant  estoit  dudit  quayer  ravoir,  il  ne  le  me 
rendroit  point,  mais  la  coppie  en  auroye  voulentiers,  et  autre  response 
n'en  peu  lors  avoir  ne  raporter  de  lui  ne  d'autre  de  par  lui,  jasoit 
a  ee  que  plusieurs  foiz  en  aie  fait  requeste  a  grant  instance.  A 
done  prins  congie  de  lui,  et  vins  en  mon  hostelerie,  comptay  et 
payay  mes  despens,  et  me  parti  pour  venir  a  Paris.  Et  quant  je 
fu  a  Paris,  trouvay  que  le  due  ne  la  duchesse  n'y  venoient  point,  mais 
yroient  a  Montargis  devers  la  royne.  Je  vins  audit  Montargis  et 
ylee  attendi  sa  venue,  lequel  y  arriva  le  jour  de  Saint  Andry.  Et 
yllee  I'ay  sollicite  moult  diligemment  d'avoir  sa  response,  ainsi  que 
promis  m'avoit.  Et  en  final  conclusion  n'ay  eu  de  lui  autre  response, 
fors  qu'il  est  et  sera  toute  sa  vie  vray  humble  et  obeissant  fils  a  sa 
dame  et  mere,  et  qu'il  fera  toute  sa  vie  le  bon  plaisir  d'elle,  ne  en 
chose  qui  touche  les  terres  et  aussiete  il  ne  touchera ;  mais  en  joira 
paisiblement  et  ses  officers  sens  aucun  trouble  ou  empeschment, 
exepte  des  cappitaines,  les  quels  pour  riens  il  ne  souffreroit  que  autre 
les  y  meist,  mesmement  tant  quelle  sera  demoure  en  Angleterre  et 
que  nul  ne  lui  devroit  conseiller  le  contraire.    A  tant  m'en  suis  venu. 

As  has  been  seen  in  the  above  excerpts,  the  Bible  leads  with 
five    quotations,    then    follow    Boethius,    Cato,  Terence,    Horace, 

*  Ibid.,  p.  90. 


34 

Sallust,  "la  loy,"  "les  droiz,"  "la  tragedie."  It  is  rather  astonish- 
ing not  to  find  quotations  from  Virgil  and  Pliny,  in  view  of  Col's 
supposed  devotion  to  those  two  writers.  When  Col  avoids  "le 
style  noble,"  and  finishes  a  sentence  without  using  the  sign  &,  he 
occasionally  turns  out  phrases  that  please  by  a  certain  simplicty  and 
concreteness.  Haureau  says  of  the  journal  of  this  mission :  "C'est 
une  piece  frangaise  aussi  interessante  pour  la  litterature  que  pour 
rhistoire.""*  It  shows  us  Col  as  a  chroniqueur  in  a  small  way, 
altho  his  accounts  of  negotiations  in  which  he  was  involved,  the 
Journal  of  1395,  the  negotiations  with  the  Duke  of  Brittany  in 
1414,  and  the  account  of  Winchester  Week  in  141 5,  were  not 
written  from  a  purely  literary  point  of  view,  but  were  simply  the 
report  of  an  embassy,  drawn  up  by  its  secretary  on  his  return,  yet 
thru  these  reports  we  may  connect  Col  with  the  long  list  of  lesser 
writers  on  matters  of  a  historical  nature  during  the  fourteenth  and 
the  fifteenth  centuries.  One  could  scarcely  adduce  better  examples 
in  support  of  that  most  seductive  of  literary  theories — that  of  "  the 
time,  the  place  and  the  subject " — than  are  afforded  by  the  writers 
of  Chronicles  and  historical  annals  in  France  during  those  two 
centuries.  In  that  epoch  of  internal  dissensions  and  foreign  wars, 
even  the  would-be  impartial  historian  was  something  of  a  propa- 
gandist for  his  party.  And  it  would  certainly  be  a  mistake  to  over- 
look the  literary  merits  of  those  diplomatic  envoys  who,  like  Col, 
elaborated  on  their  return  detailed  reports  of  the  vicissitudes  and 
final  outcome  of  their  negotiations.  Those  men  acquired  the  habit 
of  describing  minor  events  minutely  and  putting  them  in  their  proper 
perspective.  Thus  they  constituted  themselves  the  precursors  of  that 
brilliant  array  of  writers  of  memoirs  who  are  the  distinctive  pride 
and  honor  of  a  later  period  of  French  literature. 

VII. — Winchester  Week  (1415) 

During  the  autumn  of  1414  there  are  no  indications  of  further 
diplomatic  activities  on  the  part  of  Col.  The  storm  was  gathering 
across  the  Channel.  Henry  was  making  every  preparation  for  war, 
even  while  sending  over  to  Paris  an  embassy,  the  terms  of  which 
included  demands  for  so  much  French  territory  and  for  so  large  a 

0  Nouvelle  Biographic  Generale,  article  "  Col." 


35 

dowry  for  Catherine^  that  the  conference  came  to  naught,  and  the 
only  agreement  arrived  at  was  that  Charles  would  send  a  return 
embassy  to  Henry  for  the  further  discussion  of  terms  with  the 
King  in  person.  This  ill-starred  embassy  set  out  with  pomp  and 
circumstance,  three  hundred  strong,  including  prominent  men  and 
famous  orators,^  among  whom  was  "  M*  G.  Col,"^  who  wrote  a 
Relation  of  the  trip  for  the  Archbishop  of  Bourges,  the  head  of  the 
embassy. 

The  Relation  is  very  irregular  in  style;  some  of  it  reads  like  the 
minutes  of  a  committee,  sentences  are  inconclusively  ended  with 
"&c.,"  and  in  general  it  bears  indications  of  haste  and  incomplete- 
ness. A  good  example  of  this  is  the  entry  under  Tuesday,  the  2d 
of  July  :^ 

Et  apres  en  conclusion  dirent,  que  nous  conclussions  sur  la  voye 
d'affinite  &  de  marriage,  &c.  Et  nous  requirent  &  demanderent 
en  marriage  Madame  K.  avecque  tel  dot  et  dotalite  que  a  une  telle 
Dame,  et  pour  un  Roy  appartient,  &c.  &  que  nous  eslasgassions,  &c. 
plus  avant  que  ce  qui  leur  a  este  bailie  par  escript  &  offert,  &c.  Sur- 
quoy  eusmes  advis,  &c.  &  leur  offrismes  cinquante  mille  francs, 
outre,  &c.  Premises  les  protestations  accoustumees,  &c.  Et  apres 
qu'ils  eurent  este  a  conseil  sur  cette  offre,  retournerent  a  nous,  et 
nous  dirent  que  de  la  somme  par  eux  demandee  qui  est  d'un  million, 
ils  nous  rabattoient  cinquante  mil,  &c.  Et  pource  que  I'heure  estoit 
tarde,  nous  partismes,  &c.  Et  fut  dit  qu'ils  rapportroient  a  leur 
Seigneur  e'en  que,  &c.    Et  I'endemain  serions  au  Heu,  &c. 

On  the  other  hand,  some  three  pages  later.  Col  gives  quite  a  life- 
like description  of  the  royal  reception  of  a  mediaeval  embassy  i*^ 

Item,  le  ludy,  4  jour  de  luilliet  feusmes  mandes  et  envoyes 
querir  pour  aller  devant  le  Roy,  ainsi  que  ordonne  et  appointie 
avoit  este  le  Mecredy  precedent,  au  departement  des  gens  du  Roy 
et  de  nous,  et  vindrent  pour  nous  querir  entre  huit  et  neuf  heures 

1  Rymer,  vol.  9,  pp.  206-208. 

2  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  v,  p.  506.  For  safe-conducts,  April,  1415,  Rymer, 
vol.  9,  p.  219;  Carte,  Rolles,  ii,  p.  219. 

'Hall's  Chronicle,  London,  1809,  p.  58;  Monstrelet,  Chronique,  vol.  iii,  p.  72; 
T.  Goodwin,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Henry  V,  London,  1704,  p.  56;  Beaucourt, 
Histoire  de  Charles  VU,  vol.  i,  p.  259. 

*  Besse,  Recueil  de  Diverses  Pieces  servant  a  I'histoire  du  Roy  Charles  VI 
(Paris,  1660),  p.  97. 

5  Besse,  op.  cit.,  p.  100. 


36 

les  Evesques  de  Duresme  [Durham],  et  de  Chestre  et  le  seigneur 
du  Souch;  alasmes  tout  droict  au  Palais  de  I'Evesque  ou  le  Roy 
estoit  logie  et  nous  mena  en  la  chambre  de  I'Evesque  de  Norebbich 
[Norwich],  et  assez  tost  apres  ledit  Evesque  de  Norebbich  nous 
vint  querir,  et  nous  mena  haut  en  la  chambre  ou  le  Roy  estoit  tout 
droit  appuye  sur  un  dregoir,  et  un  oreiller  de  soye  dessous  son  bras, 
et  en  sa  compagnie  estoient  ses  trois  freres,  son  Chancelier,  les 
Evesques  de  Duresme,  de  Norebbich,  L'Archevesque  de  Cantur- 
bery,  I'Evesque  de  Chestre,  le  Due  d'Yorc,  le  Comte  de  Houemden 
[Hovenden],  le  Comte  de  la  Marche,  le  Comte  Mareschal,  le  Comte 
d'Orsete  [of  Dorset],  son  Confesseur  Carme,  son  Secretaire,  et 
aucuns  autres,  et  a  I'entree  nous  agenoiilasmes,  et  feismes  la  rever- 
ence au  Roy  et  puis  nous  tirasmes  a  part;  et  puis  tantost  apres  Mess. 
I'Archevesque  de  Bourges,  Mons.  le  Grand  Maistre,  et  Mons.  d'Yvry, 
qui  avoient  lettres  closes  adregans  au  Roy  d'Angleterre,  lesquelles 
estoient  de  creance  pour  eulx  trois  seulement,  partirent  de  nous,  et 
allerent  devant  la  personne  du  Roy,  et  luy  presenterent  lesd. 
Lettres,  &  puis  se  leverent  et  retournerent  avec  nous  dont  ils  estoient 
partis ;  Lors  le  Roy  appella  son  Chancelier,  et  luy  bailla  lesd : 
Lettres  pour  les  ouvrir,  lequel  les  ouvrit  et  sans  regarder  dedans 
les  bailla  presentement  au  Roy,  et  se  retray;  a  doncques  le  Roy  leut 
lesdites  Lettres,  et  quand  il  les  ot  leues  les  mit  sur  I'oreiller  sur 
lequel  il  s'appuyoit  sur  le  dregoir,  et  apres  appella  ses  trois  freres, 
son  Chancelier,  le  Due  d'Yorc.  le  Comte  d'Oriceste,  I'Archeves- 
que de  Canturbery,  les  Evesques  de  Duresme  et  Norebbich  tant 
seulement  et  parla  a  eulx  asses  longuement  sans  toucher  lesd. 
Lettres,  et  puis  se  leverent  et  se  retrahirent  chacun  en  sa  place ; 
Adonc  il  appella  lesd.  de  Vendosme.  de  Bourges  et  d'Yvry,  et  leur 
dist  qu'il  avoit  veu  lesd.  Lettres  qu'il  luy  avoient  baillee  de  par  son 
beau  cousin  de  France,  et  qu'elles  portaient  creance  a  eulx  trois 
seulement,  et  qu'ils  luy  deissent  la  creance.  Adoncques  luy  expo- 
serent  et  dirent  leur  creance  par  la  bouche  de  Mons.  de  Bourges,  en 
la  maniere  que  ensuit,  si  comme  ledit  Mons.  de  Bourges  et  autres 
dessus  nommes  nous  ont  dit  et  rapporte : 

This  confusion  and  lack  of  finish  in  the  form  of  the  Relation  is 
doubtless  somewhat  explained  by  the  letter  accompanying  it,  which 
draws  a  picture  of  the  physical  and  mental  discomforts  endured 
on  the  return  trip  by  a  part  of  the  embassy.  To  this  may  be  added 
the  probable  depression  of  the  party  in  view  of  the  failure  of  the 
negotiations,  and  the  certainty  of  a  war  for  which  their  country  was 
not  prepared.    The  letter  reads  as  follows :® 

•Besse,  op.  cit.,  pp.  iio-iii. 


37 

Tres-Reverend  Pere  en  Dieu,  et  mon  tres-honore  Seigneur. 
Pource  que  je  suis  passe  en  la  compagnie  de  Mons.  de  Braquemont 
le  derenier  et  que  mes  chevaux  furent  moult  malmenes  et  tour- 
mentes  en  la  mer,  apres  n'out  eu  aucun  repos,  et  aussi  que  ie  ne  eu 
aucune  chose  pour  payer  mon  passage  au  retour,  de  I'argent  qui  a 
este  ordonne  egalment  pour  tous  passer  et  repasser,  et  m'a  convenu 
emprunter  argent  et  achater  et  loiier  chevaux,  ie  n'ay  peu  venir  a 
Paris  plustost.  .Si  ne  sgay  si  vous  feries  bien  relation  avant  ma 
venue  a  Paris ;  Et  parce  combien  que  ayes  en  f resche  memoire  tout, 
neantmoins  ie  vous  envoye  par  mon  clerc,  porteur  de  ces  presentes 
un  abrege  de  ce  que  fait  avons  jusques  au  jour  de  nostre  partement, 
duquel  jour  ie  m'en  rapporte  a  vous,  et  a  la  response  en  Latin  faicte 
par  I'Arcevesque  de  Canturbery  a  la  replique  faite  par  vous  en  Fran- 
Qois.  Si  vous  suplie  tres  humblement  de  moy  excuser  de  ma  demeure 
jusqu'a  demain,  que  je  seray,  se  Dieu  plaist,  a  Paris.  Escript  has- 
tivement  le  25.  jour  de  luillet. 

Vostre  humble  serviteur, 

Gontier  Col. 

Col  begins  the  Relation  by  stating  that  the  envoys  left  Paris 
June  4,  reaching  Winchester  (where  Henry  V  was  residing)  on 
Sunday,  June  30.  They  were  received  by  the  bishops  of  Durham 
and  Norwich,  the  counts  of  Dorset  and  SaHsbury,  "et  plusieurs 
autres,"  and  taken  directly  to  the  King,  to  present  their  credentials. 
He  then  takes  up  the  events  of  the  Winchester  meeting  day  by  day, 
setting  down  at  length  all  the  diplomatic  wranglings  about  Henry's 
demands  as  to  French  possessions,  and  the  dowry  of  Catherine,  also 
the  date  of  her  marriage.  The  entry  touching  the  Saturday  on 
which  took  place  the  last  meeting  of  the  envoys  and  the  King,  is 
only  partial,  as  Col  does  not  attempt  to  describe  the  closing  scene. 
Judging  by  other  and  less  discreet  historians,  in  this  he  showed  his 
diplomatic  training,  seeing  that  his  report  was  intended  for  the 
Archbishop  of  Bourges,  the  prelate  who  was  directly  responsible 
for  the  break  between  the  envoys  and  the  King;  although  in  view 
of  the  latter's  feverish  preparations  for  war,  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  Henry  ever  meant  them  to  succeed.'^  Be  that  as  it  may, 
it  is  interesting  to  see  how  nearly  the  embassy  thought  it  had  suc- 
ceeded in  its  object  according  to  Col's  entry  for  Saturday,  July  6:^ 

^  Wylie,  Henry  V,  p.  491,  n.  i ;  De  Flassan,  J.  B.  G.  de  R.,  Histoire  gcncrale 
et  raisonnce  de  la  diploniatie  frangaise,  Paris,  181 1,  i,  p.  192. 
^Besse,  op.  cit.,  pp.  105-110. 


38 

Samedy,  6.  jour  de  luillet  fusmes  envoyes  querir,  a  neuf  heures 
devant  disner,  pour  aller  devers  le  Roy,  par  ceux  qui  dessus  sont 
nommes,  et  qui  autresfois  nous  estoient  venus  querir,  et  nous  mene- 
rent  en  la  chambre  d'embas,  et  la  vindrent  les  Evesque  de  Duresme 
et  de  Norebbich,  et  parlerent  longuement  a  Mons.  I'Archevesque  de 
Bourges,  et  grand  Maistre  d'Ostel,  et  puis  allerent  a  mont  devers 
leur  Roy;  Et  cependant  lesd.  Archevesque  &  grand  Maistre,  nous 
dirent,  qu'ils  leur  avoient  dit,  que  on  voulsist  declarer  &  bailler  par 
escript  les  protestations  que  avoient  faites  Mons.  de  Bourges,  etc. 
Et  on  leur  avait  respondu  que  la  declaration  estoit  en  escript  devers 
eux,  et  chacun  la  savoit;  et  puis  avoit  dit  que  on  baillast  &  declarast 
jour  dedans  lequel  on  delivreroit  la  fille  du  Roy  nostre  Seigneur,  a 
leur  Seigneur,  engeoliee,  etc.,  et  la  somme  de  cinq  cens  cinquante 
mil  escus,  et  aussi  que  on  delivrerait  les  Cites,  terres  et  seigneuries  a 
eux  offertes,  et  que  on  print  une  treve  a  quarante  ou  cinquante  ans, 
pendant  laquelle  on  feist  paix  final,  et  se  dedans  led.  temps  paix 
n'estoit  faite  ils  rendraient  reaulment  et  de  faict  toutes  lesdites 
villes,  chasteaux,  et  seigneuries  a  eulx  baillees  par  ce  traicte,  et  de 
ce  bailleroient  bonne  seurte,  et  caution  souffisante,  et  que  on  leur 
fiangast  la  fille  par  paroles  de  futur,  etc.,  et  que  tandis  que  on  feroit 
lesd.  treves  et  autres  choses  dessusdites,  que  un  Secretaire  ou  autre 
de  nous  alast  en  France  devers  le  Roy,  nostre  seigneur,  et  son  Conseil 
dire  cest  appointement,  etc.,  et  que  dedans  un  mois  il  eust  la 
responce,  et  que  les  autres  demeurassent  en  Angleterre,  laquelle  chose 
nous  ne  vouleusmes  accorder. 

Et  apres  ces  choses,  retournerent  I'Evesque  de  Vincestre,  et  les 
deux  Evesques  dessusdits,  et  dirent,  que  on  fiangast  Madame  K. 
et  que  dedans  la  saint  Michel  on  la  livrast  a  Calais,  engeolees  etc.  & 
avec  ce  la  somme  de  six  cens  mil  francs,  etc.,  et  baillast  on  avec  ce 
dedans  le  temps  la  possessions  desd.  terres,  villes  et  seigneuries  a 
eulx  ofifertes,  etc.,  et  preist  on  les  treves  generales  a  cinquante  ans, 
etc. 

Ausquels  fut  respondu  que  le  temps  estoit  trop  court  pour  fournir 
les  choses  dessusdites,  etc.,  et  que  dedans  Noel  ou  la  Saint  Andrieu 
on  leur  livreroit  Madame  K.  etc.,  et  quatre  mil  francs,  car  plutost 
ne  pourrait  on  finer  de  si  grand  somme  d'or,  combien  que  en  mon- 
noye  elle  feust  preste  desia,  et  conviendroit  tout  ledit  terme  pour 
forger  lesd.  escus,  et  faire  les  joyaux,  etc. 

Apres  dirent  celx  de  la  partie  d'Angleterre,  que  nous  alissions 
en  haut  devers  le  Roy,  dire  en  sa  presence  ce  qu'il  luy  avoient  rap- 
porte  et  pourparle,  et  dit  entre  nous  etc.,  Et  ainsi  fut  dit,  accorde, 
et  accomply,  et  alasmes.  et  trouvasmes  le  Roy  en  la  chambre  en  haut 
et  aucuns  de  ses  Conseilliers  et  serviteurs,  et  son  Secretaire,  les- 
quels  il  fist  vuider  la  chambre,  et  n'y  demoura  que  luy,  lesd.  Prelats 


39 

et  nous ;  Et  lors  Mons.  1' Archevesque  venismes  pres  de  luy  a  genoux 
et  luy  dist  ledit  Mons.  I'Archevesque  les  choses  dessusdites  devant 
les  dessus  nommes  et  I'Archevesque  de  Canturbery;  et  apres  se 
party  de  ladite  chambre,  et  nous  y  demourasmes. 

Et  apres  ces  choses,  retournerent  a  nous  lesd.  Evesque  de  Du- 
resme  et  de  Norebbich,  et  nous  dirent  que  les  choses  estoient  en 
bonne  disposition,  et  que  nous  feissions  bonne  chere;  Et  asses  tost 
apres  on  nous  mena  disner,  et  estoient  bien  deux  heures  apres  midy. 

Venismes  disner  en  la  chambre  de  parement,  ou  le  Roy  disna,  et 
fit  seoir  a  sa  table  I'Evesque  de  Lisieux  au  bout  d'en  haut,  puis 
I'Archevesque  de  Bourges,  puis  luy;  et  au  bout  d'embas  le  grand 
Maistre  d'Ostel,  et  le  Baron  d'Yvry ;  et  a  I'autre  table  Maistre  lean 
Andry  et  Gontier,  et  apres  nous  plusieurs  notables  Personnes,  Prelats, 
et  autres  gens  d'Eglise,  et  a  I'autre  coste  de  lad.  chambre  le  Seigneur 
de  Braquemont,  Messieurs  Charles  d'Yvry,  et  les  autres  nobles  de 
nostre  compagnie,  et  en  disnant  nous  vint  dire  le  Due  d'Yorc  et 
I'Evesque  de  Norebbich  que  nous  feissions  bon  visage,  et  que  tout 
estoit  bien  etc.,  et  m'apporta  led.  Ducaboireen  une  tasse  d'or;  apres 
disner  vin  et  espices;  puis  alasmes  en  la  chambre  ou  nous  aurions 
este  devant  disner,  et  le  Roy  demoura  en  son  Conseil  moult  longue- 
ment.  et  estoit  vestu  court,  et  ses  esperons  chausses  pour  chevaucher, 
etc.  Et  apres  ce  vindrent  devers  nous  le  Due  d'Yorc,  et  le  Chancelier 
d'Angleterre,  les  Evesques  de  Duresme  et  de  Norebbich,  et  nous 
dirent  que  leur  Seigneur  estoit  d'accord  de  tout,  fors  que  du  terme, 
mais  il  vouloit  avoir  la  fiHe  et  la  somme  par  nous  accordee,  c'est  as- 
savoir  quatre  cens  mille  escus  a  la  Saint  Remy,  et  la  possessions  des 
terres,  etc.  Et  nous  leur  respondismes  comme  autresfois  que  c'etoit 
impossible  dedans  si  brief  temps,  etc.,  et  ne  feust  que  pour  forger  si 
grand  somme  d'escus  et  faire  les  joyaulx,  etc.,  mais  a  Noel  ou  a  la 
Saint  Andrieu  le  ferions,  etc.  Et  lors  se  partirent  pour  aller  dire  a 
leur  Seigneur  nostre  responce.  et  tenoient  fermement  que  nous 
estions  d'accord.  et  qu'il  ne  tenoit  que  au  terme ;  et  apres  longtemps, 
qu'il  estoit  six  heures,  on  nous  vint  dire,  que  nous  venissions  au  Roy 
dire  nostre  responce,  et  prendre  congie :  Et  quand  nous  feusmes 
venus  le  trouvasmes  assis  en  la  chaere,  et  toute  la  sale  pleine  de  gens, 
d'une  part  et  d'autre,  les  Prelats  d'un  coste,  ses  freres  et  autres  gens 
de  guerre  d'autre  jusqu'au  nombre  de  plus  de  mil  cinq  cens  person- 
nes, et  y  estoient  les  Ambassadeurs  de  I'Empereur,  du  Roy  d'Arra- 
gon,  du  Due  de  Bourgogne,  un  Heraut.  etc.  Et  lors  feusmes  assis 
sur  une  fourine  devant  le  Roy :  Adonc  I'Archevesque  de  Canturbery 
commenQa  a  parler  en  Latin,  et  recita  toutes  les  Ambassades  faictes 
d'une  partie  et  d'autre.  depuis  que  cest  Roy  fut  couronne  Roy  d'An- 
gleterre. comme  il  appert  par  sa  proposition  qu'il  a  depuis  envoyee 
par  escript  avecques  certaines  Lettres  closes  adregans  a  nous  Am- 


40 

bassadeurs  dessus  nommes,  et  au  Roy  nostre  seigneur,  lesquelles 
lettres  nous  ne  voulusmes  recevoir,  ne  prendre  la  charge  de  les  ap- 
porter  au  Roy,  mais  nous  en  prenismes  la  coppie. 

The  end  is  garbled,  and  there  is  a  hint  at  trouble  in  the  last  lines 
of  the  entry,  rather  astonishing  coming  after  the  preceding  asser- 
tions that  the  negotiations  were  going  smoothly.  It  may  have  been 
a  revulsion  of  feeling  caused  by  this  disappointment  on  seeing  the 
success  of  his  embassy  jeopardized  when  he  thought  everything 
favorably  under  way,  that  led  the  Archbishop  of  Bourges  to  speak 
as  he  did.  He  had  taken  exception  to  several  points  made  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury^  in  his  speech.  But  it  was  only  after 
Henry  had  again  repeated  previous  demands  as  to  territory,^*'  and 
the  dowry  of  Catherine,  ending  bluntly  with  the  statement  that  he 
was  after  all  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne  of  France,  that  the 
crisis  came. 

The  Archbishop  of  Bourges,^^  according  to  the  diplomatic  usages 
of  the  times, ^^  asked  permission  to  speak,  and  begged  to  be  allowed 
to  bring  to  the  King's  notice  the  fact  that^^  not  only  was  Henry 
not  the  rightful  heir  of  the  throne  of  France,  but  he  was  not  even 
the  rightful  heir  of  the  throne  of  England.  Henry's  rage  may  easily 
be  imagined  and  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand  that  he  told  the 
envoys  "qu'ils  s'en  allassent,  et  qu'il  les  suivroit  de  pres."^^  It  is 
not  perhaps  to  be  wondered  at,  in  view  of  the  above,  that  the  French 
prelate  addressed  directly  to  King  Henry  the  firm  request  "  que  tu 
escupres  [exculpes?]  entierement  la  response  que  tu  as  faicte,  sur 
ton  seel  et  signe  manuel."  And  it  is  not  at  all  hard  to  believe  that 
Col  sought  to  avoid  compromising  himself  by  refraining  from 
drawing  up  the  compte-rendu  of  such  prickly  negotiations. 

^  Erroneously  called  Archbishop  of  Winchester  in  Sir  Harry  Nicolas'  HiS' 
tory  of  the  Battle  of  Agincourt,  London,  1832,  p.  28. 

^°  Monstrelet,  iii,  73: 

Les  duchez  d'Acquitaine,  de  Normendie.  d'Anjou  et  de  Touraine,  les  contez 
de  Poictou  du  Mans  et  de  Ponthieu  et  toutes  les  autres  choses  jadis  appartenans 
au  roys  d'Angleterre  ses  predecesseurs  heritablements. 

11  Hivier  de  Beauvoir,  Guillaume  de  Boisratier  in  Socicte  des  Antiquitcs  du 
Centre,  1867,  pp.  87-128. 

12  Monstrelet,  op.  cit.,  iii,  p.  74. 

18  Juvenal  des  Ursins,  op.  cit.,  p.  505 ;  Thomas  of  Walsingham,  Historia 
Anglicana,  London,  1863-64,  vol.  ii,  p.  305 ;  H.  Nicolas,  History  of  the  Battle  of 
Agincourt.  25-31  ;  Th.  Goodwin,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Henry  V,  56-61.  Bib- 
liography, Wylie,  Henry  V ,  vol.  i,  p.  490. 

1*  Juvenal  des  Ursins,  op.  cit.,  p.  505. 


41 

Before  leaving  the  Relation  of  Col,  we  should  take  account  of 
an  interesting  question  raised  by  Mirot  in  the  note  in  which  he  gives 
a  resume  of  the  embassy.^^  He  says:^^  "Une  fort  curieuse  relation 
de  cette  ambassajde  due  a  Gontier  Col  et  se  rapprochant  beaucoup 
du  recit  du  Religieux  de  St.  Denis  nous  a  ete  conserve  dans  Besse," 
etc.  Since  Col  was  a  member  of  the  embassy  and  the  above  men- 
tioned Relation  was  written  before  the  25th  of  July,  it  would  seem 
likely  that  the  Religieux  was  using  his  old  methods,  and  had  seen 
Col's  material  before  writing  his  description  of  Winchester  week. 
The  Religieux  seems  to  use  the  Relation  much  in  the  same  general 
way  that  he  did  the  Journal.  The  description  of  the  landing  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  events  of  Sunday  and  Monday,  are  given  at  much 
greater  length  in  the  Cronica}'^ 

Whatever  the  reasons,  the  French  party  did  not  return  all 
together,  the  two  secretaries,  Gontier  Col  and  Jehan  Andrieu,  appar- 
ently having  crossed  the  channel  after  the  Archbishop  of  Bourges.^® 
With  the  two  secretaries  went  J,  Fusoris,^^  later  tried  for  treason, 
he  having  been  accused  of  furnishing  information  about  the  politi- 
cal state  of  affairs  in  France  to  the  Bishop  of  Norwich.  The  minutes 
of  the  triaP*'  throw  light  on  Winchester  week,  but  not  very  much  on 
Col,  who  was  not  called  upon  to  testify,  as  was  Jehan  Andrieu,  the 
other  secretary  of  the  King  attached  to  the  embassy,  and  who  said 
that  neither  he  nor  Col  thought  of  Fusoris  as  anything  but  loyal.^^ 

It  is  not  possible  to  tell  whether  Col  knew  Fusoris  well.  The 
only  reference  that  the  accused  makes  to  Col,  mentions  his  being 

^^  Memoires  de  la  Societe  de  Paris  et  de  I'lle  de  France,  vol.  xxvii  (1900), 
p.  137,  note  7. 

^^  Unless  the  reader  wishes  to  return  to  the  untenable  suggestion  that  iden- 
tified Col  with  the  Religieux  de  St.  Denis — a  theory  that  the  mention  of  Col's 
laical  status  would  refute.     (Froissart,  vol.  13,  p.  323.) 

1^  Besse,  op.  cit.,  95-98;  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  516-518. 

^^  Carte,  Rolles,  vol.  ii,  p.  222: 

Consimiles  literas  de  salvo  conductu  habent  subscripti,  videlicet,  Episcopus 
Lexoviensis,  Comes  Vindocinensis,  Karolus  Dominus  de  Yvriaco,  Braquetus 
Dominus  de  Braquemont,  Miles,  Magister  Johannes  Andre  &  Magister  Gonterus 
Coll. 

Teste  Rege  apud  Westminster  28,  Junii. 

^"  Probably  the  same  mentioned  in  Ehrle,  Archiv  fiir  litcratur  und  kirchen- 
geschichte  des  Mittelalters,  Sechster  Band,  1892,  pp.  2i5>-220;  Bulaeus,  Historia 
Untversitatis  Parisiensis,"  vol.  v,  p.  91. 

^^  Memoires  de  la  Societe  de  Paris  et  de  Vile  de  France,  vol.  xxvii  (1900), 
pp.  137  sqq.     Ed.  by  Mirot. 

21  Mirot,  op.  cit.,  p.  218. 


42 

invited  to  dinner  by  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  and  meeting  Col  there.^^ 
This  was  when  that  prelate  was  in  Paris  on  the  English  embassy^' 
which  immediately  preceded  that  of  the  Archbishop  of  Bourges  to 
Winchester,  The  evidence  against  Fusoris  was  of  a  more  or  less 
circumstantial  nature,  aggravated  by  his  well-known  Burgundian 
leanings,  and  it  was  on  those  grounds  that  the  Prior  of  the  Celestins 
in  Paris  refused  to  entrust  to  him  letters  (to  monks  of  his  order 
in  England)  that  Fusoris  had  ofifered  to  deliver  for  him,  but  gave 
them  to  Gontier  Col  instead. ^^  It  would  seem  as  though  the  Prior 
scarcely  needed  any  such  reason  to  avoid  giving  these  letters  in  the 
charge  of  a  more  or  less  itinerant  astrologer,  going  to  England  as 
a  hanger-on  of  the  embassy,  ostensibly  to  attempt  to  collect  a  bad 
debt  from  a  prelate  of  the  church,  when  they  could  be  carried  by 
one  of  the  secretaries  of  the  expedition.  Although  there  is  no  proof 
of  it,  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  Prior  knew  Col  personally,  since 
the  Confrerie  of  the  notaries  and  secretaries  of  the  King  met  in  the 
buildings  of  the  Celestins  in  Paris. ^^ 

VIII. — Last  Years  and  Death 

Col  returned  to  Paris  about  the  25th  of  July,  1415.^  The  battle 
of  Agincourt  took  place  in  the  following  October,  and  diplomacy 
was  at  a  standstill  until  Emperor  Sigismund's  visit  to  Paris  in  the 
following  Spring.  That  ruler  was  much  preoccupied  by  the  Schism, 
which  still  prevailed,  and  saw  in  a  union  of  French  and  English  in- 
fluences a  means  of  ending  it.  He  came  to  Paris  with  the  intention 
of  bringing  about  a  Franco-English  rapprochement,  and  after  seeing 
the  King  and  the  dukes,  he  left  for  England,  accompanied  by 
French  envoys.  A  meeting  was  arranged  between  the  contending 
parties  at  Beauvais  (September  9,  1416),  to  which  Col  went  in  his 
official  capacity.^  The  envoys  did  nothing  beyond  calling  for  another 
conference  not  later  than  the  i6th  of  August — a  failure  for  which 
the  Emperor  (now  in  England  and  a  guest  of  Henry  V)  placed  the 

22  Ibid.,  p.  235. 

28  Mirot,  Les  Amhassades  Anglaiscs  pendant  la  guerre  dc  Cent  Ans  (Paris, 
1900),  p.  74- 

2*  Ibid.,  p.  222. 

25  E.  Raunie,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  309,  and  note  i. 

1  Besse,  op.  cit.,  pp.  iio-iii. 

2  Lavisse,  Histoirc  de  France,  Hachette,  191 1,  vol.  iv,  p.  372;  Rymer,  vol.  9, 
p.  366;  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  vol.  6,  pp.  26-28;  Carte,  Rolles,  ii,  pp.  230-231. 


43 

responsibility  upon  the  French,  whom  he  accused  of  being  devoid 
of  a  conciliatory  spirit.^ 

The  second  meeting  was  prepared  for  in  both  countries;  Eng- 
land sent  envoys,  and  for  the  French  ambassadors'*  were  prepared 
safe-conducts  in  which  Col's  name  appeared.  Very  little  was  done 
besides  signing  a  short  truce,  for  Henry,  who  had  come  over  to 
his  French  possessions  with  Sigismund  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
meeting  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  wanted  to  get  the  French  "  nego- 
ciateurs  "  out  of  the  way — not  for  his  own  sake,  apparently,  but 
for  that  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  became  his  secret  ally  as  a 
result  of  this  meeting."^ 

In  spite  of  this  understanding  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  nego- 
tiations continued  with  France.  The  death  of  the  Dauphin  pre- 
vented a  meeting,  for  which  the  necessary  state  papers  are  dated 
April,  1417,  but  which  was  finally  arranged  for  later  in  the  year.° 
Col  went  on  this  embassy,  which  proved  to  be  fruitless/  altho  the 
envoys  did  not  return  home  from  the  Barneville  conference  until 
December  21. 

This  is  the  last  diplomatic  mission  with  which  I  have  been  able 
to  connect  Col's  name.  He  may  have  gone  with  the  French  envoys 
that  met  the  Burgundians  during  Easter  week,  1418,  to  settle,  if 
possible,  party  strife  in  France,  but  the  name  of  their  secretary  is 
not  known. ^  As  will  be  recalled,  the  French  and  Burgundian  pleni- 
potentiaries had  come  to  an  agreement,  and  Paris  was  wild  with  joy 
at  the  prospect  of  peace.  When  the  results  were  read  to  the  King 
he  inclined  in  their  favor,  but  the  Count  of  Armagnac  presented  the 
most  violent  opposition  to  their  acceptance,®  and  this  in  the  teeth  of 
the  Dauphin's  defense  thereof.    This  held  up  all  the  proceedings  of 

3  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  Zll  seq.  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  op.  cit.,  vol.  6,  p.  34 
(Col's  name  not  mentioned). 

*  Dated  August  14.  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  377,  and  good  until  14th  of  September; 
later  extended  until  the  21st,  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  386. 

5  Monstrelet,  vol.  3,  pp.  162-164;  Beaucourt,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  267  seq.; 
J.  H.  Ramsay,  Lancaster  and  York,  Oxford,  1892,  vol.  i,  pp.  240-241. 

^  Safe  conducts,  September  24,  1417,  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  494;  Credentials  Octo- 
ber 2,  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  498;  Extension  of  passports,  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  505. 

^  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  op.  cit.,  vol.  vi,  p.  109 ;  Rymer,  op.  cit.,  vol.  9, 
PP-  517.  537;  Beaucourt,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  275,  278. 

8  Beaucourt,  op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  79,  n.  2. 

8  Monstrelet,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iii,  p.  257.  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  op.  cit.,  vol.  vi, 
pp.  228-230. 


44 

ratification,  and  as  the  news  transpired,  there  was  much  discontent, 
the  more  so  as  the  Armagnacs  were  arousing  general  antagonism  by 
their  exactions  and  brutality.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  saw  his  op- 
portunity and  seized  it.  By  clever  manipulation  of  certain  disaf- 
fected Parisians,  a  party  of  Burgundians  were  admitted  by  night 
into  Paris  (May  28-29,  1418)-^'^  The  result  was  a  popular  uprising 
culminating  in  the  so-called  Armagnac  Massacres,  in  which  so  many 
men  of  prominence  were  killed,^  ^  and  in  which  there  are  excellent 
reasons  to  believe  that  Col  lost  his  life.  Among  these  reasons  may 
be  stated,  first,  the  purely  negative  one  that  his  name  is  not  in  the 
list  of  burgesses  who  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  in  the  month  of  August,  1418.^^  A  more  conclusive  one 
is  presented  in  Sauval's  Antiquitcs  dc  la  ville  de  Paris,^^  which  runs 
as  follows,  under  the  entry  "  Du  compte  de  confiscations  de  Paris, 
depuis  le  vingtieme  decembre  1423,  jusqu'a  la  St.  Jean,  1427": 

Maison  qui  fut  a  M.  Gontier  Col,  occis  a  Paris,  seise  rue  vielle 
du  Temple,  tenant  a  la  ruelle  au  roi  de  Sicile,  laquelle  Jean  Spifame 
ecuyer  dit  lui  appartenir  a  cause  de  sa  femme,  fille  dudit  M*  Gon- 
tier.^^ 

Tho  this  is  not  altogether  decisive  of  the  point,  it  seems  war- 
ranted, in  view  of  the  confusion  existing  in  the  probation  of  wills  at 
this  time  (especially  for  those  who  were  on  the  losing  side  politi- 
cally),^^ to  accept  the  theory  advanced  by  M.  Antoine  Thomas, 
that  Col  died  at  the  same  time  as  his  friend  Jehan  de  Monstereul, 
to  wit,  in  the  course  of  the  Armagnac  Massacres  of  1418. 

1"  Monstrelet,  op,  cit.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  259-266.  Religieux  de  St.  Denis,  op.  cit., 
vol.  vi,  pp.  230-236. 

^^  Vallet  de  Viriville,  Htstoire  de  Charles  VII,  roi  de  France,  Paris,  1862, 
pp.  104,  112.     Ramsey,  Lancaster  and  York,  vol.  i,  p.  260,  for  bibliography. 

^2  Le  Roux  de  Lincy  et  Tisserand,  Paris  et  scs  Historiens,  p.  371. 

^3  Vol.  iii,  p.  304. 

^*  Cf.  difficulties  experienced  by  daughter  of  Nicolas  de  I'Espoisse,  greffier 
du  Parlement  (1420).  Her  husband  being  in  the  Dauphin's  army,  her  share  in 
her  father's  estate  was  confiscated  and  she  had  to  take  legal  steps  to  recover  it. 
See  Testaments  enregistrcs  au  Parlanent  de  Paris  sous  Charles  VI  (p.  605), 
par  A.  Tuetey. 

15  A.  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  p.  81. 


PART  II 
LITERARY  ANTIPATHIES  AND  PERSONAL  SYMPATHIES 

I. — GoNTiER  Col  and  the  Quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose 

Like  the  political  situation,  the  literary  conditions  were  in  a 
good  deal  of  confusion  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century.  The 
chief  literary  characteristic  of  that  period  was  the  gradual  decay 
and  disappearance  of  literary  genres  much  in  vogue  in  the  twelfth 
and  thirteenth  centuries,  to  wit,  the  chansons  de  gestes,  the  romances, 
the  animal  stories.  The  aspect  of  the  century  is  set  forth  by  Paulin 
Paris  in  this  way :  "  Le  XIV*  Siecle  reclame  le  principal  honneur 
dans  les  grandes  compositions  historiques,  dans  les  premieres  tra- 
ductions en  prose  des  auteurs  grecs  et  latins,  dans  les  premieres 
etudes  de  philosophic  morale,  et  economie  politique."^  The  deduc- 
tion is  that  this  is  an  epoch  of  "  ideologues,"  more  interesting  for  an 
intellectual  history  than  for  a  purely  literary  one.  The  ideas  stirring 
men's  minds  were  more  absorbing  to  them  than  questions  of  form 
and  genre. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  discuss  the  subject  of  France's  indebt- 
edness to  Petrarch  nor  the  role  he  played  in  bringing  in  the  begin- 
nings of  the  Renaissance.^  Petrarch's  stay  in  Vaucluse,  the  efforts 
of  Jean  le  Bon  to  draw  him  to  court,  his  mission  to  Paris,  his 
friendship  with  Philippe  de  Vitry,  whom  he  considered  the  only  poet 
France  had  at  that  time,  are  sufficiently  known. ^  A  single  point 
may  be  noted  here.  It  was  Petrarch's  friend  Berguire^  whose  trans- 
lations from  the  Latin  are  the  first  productions  to  show  some  glim- 
merings of  the  Humanistic  spirit  in  France.^  In  spite  of  Berguire's 
medieval  cast  of  mind,  there  is  in  his  works  an  attempt  to  keep  within 
sight  of  the  text  he  is  translating,  rather  than  to  use  it  wholly  as  a 

''^  Cabinet  Htstorique,  vol.  8  (1862),  p.  102  seq. 

2  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  pp.  88-89. 

3  P.  Paris,  Matiuscrits  frangais  dc  la  Bibliothcquc  du  rot,  vol.  iii,  pp.  180-181. 
*  A.  Thomas,  Les  Lcttrcs  a  la  Cour  de  Rome,   1884;   L.   Pannier,  Notice 

hiographique   sur  le   bcncdictin  Pierre  Berguire;   Bibliothtque   de   l'£cole   des 
Chartes,  No.  33  (1872),  p.  337. 

6  Petit  de  Julleville,  Revue  des  Cours  et  Conferences,  27  fevrier,  1896,  p.  68z 

45 


46 

means  of  edification,  exemplified,  for  instance,  by  the  interpretation 
the  Middle  Ages  gave  to  Virgil's  Fourth  Eclogue. 

The  output  of  the  group  of  translators  of  Charles  V  to  which 
Berguire  belonged,  is  large,  and  in  many  cases  smacks  of  the  class- 
room exercise.  Yet  their  work  is  more  than  this;  its  originality 
consists  in  the  interest  these  translators  took  in  the  Latin  texts  in 
their  entirety.  They  must  of  necessity  have  acquired  a  point  of 
view  different  from  that  held  by  those  clerics  who  contented  them- 
selves with  a  knowledge  of  antiquity  drawn  from  collections  of 
moral  sayings  and  exempla.  Moreover,  it  is  the  first  time  in  cen- 
turies that  the  human  mind  is  taking  on  an  edge  from  trituration 
with  a  purely  lay  subject,  without  any  relation  to  theology.  This  is 
also  true,  for  example,  of  Nicolas  Oresme's®  Traite  des  Monnaies, 
the  first  scientific  treatise  based  on  pure  reason.  It  is  the  beginning 
of  the  lafcisation  of  learning  and  the  intellectual  life,  and  it  may  be 
questioned  whether  the  Schism  did  not  play  a  part  in  this,  turn-* 
ing  men's  minds  aside  from  a  subject  so  painful  as  the  dissensions 
of  Christendom  to  seek  for  solace  in  matters  purely  secular.  These 
conditions  go  to  show  that  men  were  busied  pulling  down  precon- 
ceived ideas  and  ideals  by  which  they  had  been  living  for  genera- 
tions; and  this  explains  the  polemics  and  the  satirical  nature  of  a 
great  deal  of  the  literary  activity  of  the  day;  an  excellent  example 
of  which  is  the  "  Quarrel  of  the  Roman  dc  la  Rose,"  which  took 
place  in  1401.  The  basic  considerations  underlying  the  quarrel 
were  not  new.  The  fabliaux,  those  "revues"  of  the  day,  are  full 
of  satire  against  women  ;'^  but  the  chivalric  convention  in  litera- 
ture was  at  that  time  too  strong  to  allow  anything  so  foreign  to  it 
to  find  expression  in  the  more  dignified  literary  genres.  In  the 
fourteenth  century,  with  the  rise  of  the  bourgeoisie,  that  chivalric 
convention  began  to  show  signs  of  strain.  It  is  Lanson  who  says  :^ 
"  Une  des  plus  authentiques  marques  de  bourgeoisie  dans  une  oeuvre 
litteraire,  c'est  I'effacement  ou  I'abaissement  de  la  femme."  That 
the  bourgeois  undercurrent  of  scorn  for  women  should  come  to  the 
surface  in  an  epoch  dominated  by  their  spirit,  is  to  have  been  ex- 
pected.    That  there  should  be  so  much  of  it,  however,  is  due  pos- 

8  Traite  de  la  Premiere  Invention  des  Monnaies,  ed.  Wolovvski,  Paris,  1864. 
"^  For  literature  against  women  previous  to  the  Roman  de  la  Rose,  see  Piaget, 
Martin  Le  Franc,  pp.  28-31 ;  also  Meyer,  Rom.  vi,  p.  499. 
8  Histoire  de  la  littcrature  frangaise,  p.  128. 


47 

sibly  to  a  reason  of  a  political  (or  sociological)  nature.  The  bour- 
geois thinker  saw  in  courtly  love  an  aspect  of  the  feudal  system  that 
could  not  but  antagonize  him.  The  courtois  attitude  towards  women 
was  so  thoroughly  enmeshed  in  chivalry  that  terms  of  fief-holding 
were  used  in  the  contemporary  love-poetry.  Thus  the  uprising  of 
literature  against  women  may  well  be  an  attack  on  an  important  phase 
of  chivalry,  i.  e.,  on  the  relations  of  the  knight  to  his  lady-love.  Ac- 
cordingly, it  should  not  cause  surprise  to  see  Jehan  de  Mon- 
stereul  and  Gontier  Col,  with  the  latter's  brother  Pierre,  take  the 
stand  they  did  in  favor  of  the  work  of  a  man  whom  they  admired, 
namely,  Jehan  de  Meung.  Nor  should  it  occasion  surprise  to  find 
Christine  de  Pisan  opposing  a  work  that  combined  the  satirical 
fabliau  attitude  towards  women  with  the  critical  one  of  the  me- 
diaeval monks — Christine,  author  of  a  formal  protest  against  the 
rising  tide  of  literature  against  women,  viz.,  the  Epitre  an  dieii 
d'atnour,^  a  work  which,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  led  indirectly  to 
the  famous  quarrel. ^° 

The  outlines  of  the  quarrel  are  fairly  well  known.  The  imme- 
diate cause  is  said  to  have  been  a  conversation  between  Jehan  de 
Monstereul,  Christine  de  Pisan,  and  an  unknown  (Gerson?),  on 
the  merits  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose}^  Jehan  de  Monstereul,. Col's 
friend,  was  evidently  not  satisfied  with  the  outcome  of  the  discus- 
sion, for  he  did  not  let  the  matter  rest,  but  wrote  to  his  interlocutors 
to  emphasize  his  points.^  ^  His  letter,  the  first  epistle  in  the  quar- 
rel, ^^  is  lost,  and  we  do  not  know  what  were  his  original  arguments 
in  favor  of  the  Rose.    In  Christine's  answer  to  it,^^  the  objections 

*  Roy,  CEuvres  poetiques  de  Christine  de  Pisan,  vol.  ii,  p.  29. 

^°  Roy,  vol.  ii,  p.  iv. 

1^  Roy,  vol.  ii,  pp.  iv-v;  Piaget.  Chronologic,  p.  117  (1400-1401). 

12  Piaget,  Chronologic,  pp.  116-117. 

^3  A.  Piaget,  Chronologic  dcs  Epistres  sur  le  Roman  dc  la  Rose,  in  Etudes 
Romanes  dediees  a  Gaston  Paris,  p.  116,  says:  "  Je  ne  m'occupe  pas  ici  des  lettres 
latines  de  Jean  de  Monstereul  publiees  dans  le  tome  II  de  I'Amplissima  Col- 
lectio  de  don  Martene,  ou  encore  inedites."  Petit  de  Julleville  {Revue  des  Cours 
et  Conferences,  4  juin,  1896)  places  three  undated  Latin  letters  of  Jehan  de 
Monstereul  (A.  C,  vol.  ii.  Col,  1419,  1421,  1422)  at  this  stage  of  the  discussion, 
in  which  the  Prevot  de  Lille  expresses  his  admiration  for  Jehan  de  Meung  and 
his  works.  C.  F.  Ward,  The  Epistles  on  the  Romance  of  the  Rose  and  Other 
Documents  in  the  Deb  at  e.Chxczgo,  1911,  reprints  the  letters  without  dating  them. 

1*  Roy,  vol.  ii,  p.  v,  n.  i ;  Piaget,  p.  117  (1401). 


48 

formulated  are  as  follows:  (i)  Coarseness  of  vocabulary;^'  (2) 
Slurs  cast  on  the  married  state ;^°  (3)  Incitation  to  loose  living  ;^^ 
(4)  Satire  on  women.^*  She  sums  up  her  opinion  of  the  evil  effects 
of  the  Roman  as  follows  (ibid.,  p.  2y,  11.  313-327)  : 

Mais  je  treuue,  comme  il  me  semble,  ces  dictes  choses  et  assez 
d'autres  considerees,  que  mieulx  lui  affiert,  enseuelissement  de  feu 
que  couronne  de  lorier,  nononbstant  que  le  claimez  miroir  de  bien 
viure,  example  de  tous  estaz  de  soy  politiquement  gouuerne  et  viure 
religieusement  et  sagement.  Mais  au  contraire  (sauue  vostre  grace) 
je  dis  que  c'est  exortacion  de  vice,  confortant  vie  dissolue,  doctrine 
pleine  de  deceuance,  voye  de  dampnacion,  diffameur  publique,  cause 
de  souspegon  et  mescreandise,  honte  de  pluseurs  personnes,  et  puet 
estre  d'erreur. 

At  this  point  Col  steps  in.^®  He  writes  to  the  prudent  honnouree 
et  salient  damoiseU^  Christine,  asking  for  a  copy  of  the  letter 
"que  tu  as  nouvellement  escript  par  maniere  de  invection  aucune- 
ment  contre  ce  que  mon  maistre  enseigneur  et  familier  feu  maistre 
Jean  de  Meung  .  .  .  fist  et  compila  ou  livre  de  la  Rose."^*'  At  the 
same  time  he  sends  her  another  of  Jehan  de  Meung's  works,  Le 
Tresor,  and  in  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  quote  what  Col  had 
to  say  on  the  subject  of  the  manuscript  of  the  work  that  he  sent  her, 
for  his  criticism  casts  an  interesting  light  on  the  inaccuracy  of  con- 
temporary texts  {ibid.,  p.  30)  : 

lequel  est  incorrect  par  faulte  d'escripuain,  qui  pas  ne  I'entendi 
comme  il  y  pert,  et  n'ay  eu  espace  ne  loisir  de  le  veoir  ne  corrigier  au 
long  pour  la  haste  et  ardeur  que  j'ay  de  veoir  ton  dessusdit  ceuure, 
et  mesmement  qu'il  est  a  supposer  que  bien  sgaras  les  fautes  de  I'es- 
cripuain  en  ceste  compilacion  corrigier  et  entendre. 

On  receiving  a  copy  of  Christine's  letter,  he  writes  again, ^^  taking 
her  to  task  for  her  presumption  towards  that  "  tresexcellent  et  irre- 
prehensible  docteur  en  saincte  divine  escripture  .  .  .  que  si  horrible- 
ment  oses  et  presumes  corrigier  et  reprehendre."" 

^^  Ward,  pp.  18-21. 

18  Ibid.,  p.  20,  11.  26-29. 

^''  Ibid.,  p.  21,  lines  143-159;  p.  27,  lines  316-322. 

18  Ibid.,  pp.  22-25. 

"Roy,  vol.  ii,  p.  vi,  September  13,  1401  ;  Piaget,  p.  118. 

2"  Ward,  p.  29. 

21  Roy,  vol.  ii,  p.  vi ;  Piaget,  p.  118.     September  15,  1401. 

"Ward,  op.  cit.,  p.  31. 


49 

In  Col's  two  letters,^^  he  endeavors  to  make  Christine  see  what 
he  considers  the  errors  of  her  ways.  Christine's  reply,^^  far  from 
seizing  the  opportunity  offered  her  by  Col  for  confession  and  avoid- 
ance, reiterates  emphatically  what  she  has  before  said  on  the  point  v^^ 

je  dis  derechief  et  replique  et  triplique  tant  de  fois  comme  tu 
vouldras  que  le  dit  intitule  Romant  de  la  Rose,  nonobstant  y  ait  de 
bonnes  choses,  .  .  .  mais  pour  ce  que  nature  humaine  est  plus 
descendent  au  mal,  je  dis  qu'il  puet  estre  cause  de  mauvaise  et  per- 
verse exortacion  en  tresabhominables  meurs,  confortant  vie  dissolue, 
doctrine  pleine  de  decevance,  voie  de  dampnacion,  diffameur  pub- 
lique  cause  de  souspegon  et  mescreandise  et  honte  de  pluseurs  per- 
sonnes  et  puet  estre  d'erreur ;  et  tres  deshonneste  lecture  en  pluseurs 
pars.     (In  part  identical  with  extract  on  page  48.) 

Nor  does  she  stop  there,  but  sends  all  the  documents  in  the  case, 
with  an  appeal,  to  Isabeau  de  Baviere,  Queen  of  France,  and  Guill- 
aume  de  Tignonville,  prcvot  de  Paris. ^"^  There  is  no  record  of  any 
answer  made  by  those  dignitaries  to  Christine's  appeal,  but  at  any 
rate  there  was  a  lull  in  the  quarrel  until  May,  1402,^^  when  there 
appeared  Gerson's  Tractatiis  contra  Romantiuin  de  Rosa,  which  is 
cast  in  the  allegorical  form,  popular  at  that  time.  He  assails  the 
Roman  under  eight  headings,  among  which  are  three  of  Christine's 
points  of  arraignment.^^  To  these  the  most  important  counts  that 
he  adds  are  Jehan  de  Meung's  scant  respect  for  sacred  things, ^^  his 
theory  concernig  Paradise,  and  his  attitude  towards  young  men  who 
enter  the  Church. ^^  Gerson's  position  is  of  course  easily  explained 
in  view  of  Jean  de  Meung's  abundant  satire  on  the  Church. 

This  time  Col  did  not  take  up  the  cudgels  for  the  Roman  de  la 
Rose,  but  apparently  yielded  his  place  in  the  quarrel  to  his  brother, 
the  Canon  Pierre  Col,^^   who  wrote  a  fiery  defense  of  Jehan  de 

23  Ibid.,  pp.  32-33. 
2*  Ward,  pp.  32-33;  Piaget,  p.  118. 
25  Ward,  p.  33. 

28  Ibid.,  pp.  34-37 ;  Roy,  vol.  ii,  p.  vii,  gives  date  as  the  day  before  Chande- 
leur,  1401  (i  February,  1402,  new  style)  ;  Piaget,  op.  cit.,  p.  118. 
2'^  Roy,  op.  cit..  vol.  ii,  p.  iii;  Piaget,  op.  cit.,  p.  119. 

28  Ward,  op.  cit.,  pp.  39-40. 

29  Ibid.,  p.  40. 

30  Ward,  op.  cit.,  p.  39. 

31  Ward.  pp.  56-76;  A.  Piaget,  Martin  Le  Franc,  p.  70;  A.  Piaget,  Chrono- 
logic des  Epistres,  p.  119. 

His   two   letters   to   Christine,   the   second   only  a   fragment,   are   in    Paris 


50 

Meung,  and  sent  copies  of  it  to  Christine  and  Gerson.  In  this  epistle 
the  Canon  tries  to  make  Christine  de  Pisan  appear  a  prude  in  her  ob- 
jections to  the  use  of  certain  concrete  physiological  terms,  which 
attitude  on  her  part,  in  view  of  the  contemporary  state  of  refine- 
ment on  such  questions,  makes  of  her  a  "  Precieuse  d'avant  la 
lettre."^^  Fol  amoureux's  stories  in  questionable  taste  he  explains 
by  saying  that  Jehan  de  Meung's  great  art  was  to  make  his  char- 
acters speak  in  accordance  with  their  role,  and  that  what  a  Fol 
amourcux  said  must  not  be  charged  to  the  author's  account.^' 

Pierre  Col  is  careful  not  to  attack  Gerson  quite  so  openly,  but 
in  much  more  measured  tones^'*  he  answers  some  of  that  worthy 
Churchman's  strictures.  Both  of  his  correspondents  make  rejoinder : 
Gerson^^  sets  forth  the  point  of  view  of  the  Church  as  stated  by 
St.  Augustine,^^  and  discusses  the  somewhat  lax  sex-morality  toler- 
ated by  the  Canon. ^^  He  showed  his  distate  for  the  whole  matter 
so  clearly  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  Pierre  Col  made  no 
attempt  to  answer  him.  Christine's  reply^®  is  long  and  prolix,  a 
fact  of  which  she  is  evidently  quite  aware;  and  she  makes  it  clear 
that  the  controversy  is  now  closed  as  far  as  she  is  concerned.^''  One 
might  think  that  Canon  Col  would  have  had  enough.  Not  so.  That 
doughty  champion  began  a  counter-rejoinder  to  Christine"*^ — at 
least  began,  for  whether  he  finished  it  we  do  not  know,  since  only  a 
fragment  of  it  still  survives. 

in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Fonds  Fr.  1563,  fol.  185  (b)  (for  XI)  and  fol. 
199  (Piaget)  in  Ward,  p.  10. 

Fragments  of  Pierre  Col's  first  letter  may  be  found  in  the  Tours  library,  to 
judge  by  the  following  entry  in  the  Catalogue  general  des  Manuscrits  des  Bihlio- 
thdqucs  Publiques  de  France,  tome  xxxvii,  Tours,  p.  207,  No.  28.  Jacques  Pub- 
licius,  Traitc  de  I'art  epistolaire,  iii,  au  folio  230v°  et  231,  on  lit  plusieurs  lettres 
ou  fragments  de  lettres  qui  ont  ete  recueillis  pour  servir  de  modeles.  8°  Formule 
epistolaire  empruntee  a  la  correspondence  de  Christine  de  Pisan  et  Pierre  Col, 
fol.  23iv°  .  .  .  "  Et  de  ton  eloquence  melodieuse  je  desire,"  etc. 

82  Petit  de  Julleville,  La  Qucrelle  a  propos  du  Roman  de  la  Rose  au  XV 
Siicle  in  Revue  des  Cours  et  Conferences,  4  juin,  1896,  p.  544. 

88  Ward,  op.  cit.,  p.  66. 

8*  Ward,  p.  69. 

^^  Ward,  pp.  77-82,  a  reprint  from  the  Antwerp  edition  of  Gerson's  works 
(1706),  vol.  iii,  col.  293. 

80  Ward,  p.  78. 

87  Ibid.,  p.  80. 

^^  Ibid.,  pp.  83-1 1 1.     (October  2,  1402.) 

^^ Ibid.,  p.  III. 

*°  Piaget,  p.  120,  note  i,  p.  82. 


51 

In  treating  the  subject-matter  of  Christine  de  Pisan's  most  im- 
portant epistle,  stress  is  generally  laid  on  her  championship  of  her 
sex,  so  vigorously  attacked  by  Jehan  de  Meung.  The  point  must 
not  be  missed  that  she  also  objects  to  his  coarseness  of  speech,  and 
to  his  advocacy  of  an  unrestricted  "moral  code,"  Petit  de  Julle- 
ville  sums  up  the  matter  thus  :^^ 

Mais  il  reste  a  Christine  le  merite  d'avoir  discerne  le  caractere 
intime  du  roman  de  Jean  de  Meung,  qui  est  dans  la  tendence  de  I'au- 
teur  a  rehabiliter  la  nature  humaine,  libre  et  affranchie  de  toutes  les 
lois  et  de  toutes  les  conventions  sociales.  Le  roman  de  la  Rose 
renferme  les  premiers  germes  d'une  renaissance  naturaliste  dirigee 
contre  la  discipline  austere  et  stricte  du  Christianisme.  C'est  ce  que 
les  savants  adversaires  de  Christine  ne  voyaient  pas  ou  peut-etre 
feignaient  de  ne  pas  voir. 

The  last  phrase  is  a  telling  one.  Freedom  from  moral  re- 
straint in  matters  of  sex  is  one  of  the  dominant  traits  of  the  Re- 
naissance, and  this  point  of  view  permeates  the  second  part  of  the 
Roman.  It  is  at  least  worth  while  to  note  that  the  two  men  who 
were  most  ardent  in  the  defense  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose  were :  the 
best  known  Humanist  in  France,  Jehan  de  Monstereul,  and  the  man 
whom  he  called  his  "  praeceptor,"  Gontier  Col.  It  also  deserves  to 
be  noted  that  Col  waxes  eloquent  against  Christine  not  only  for 
defending  woman,  but  for  talking  about  things  of  which  he  says 
that  she  knows  nothing  and  for  having  the  temerity  to  raise  her 
voice  when  the  great  Jehan  de  Meung  had  already  spoken.^^     All 

*'^  Petit  de  Julleville,  Histoire  de  la  littcratttre  et  de  la  langue  frangaise, 
ii,  p.  361-362. 

*-  Ward,  op.  cit.,  p.  29,  "  Et  comme  dient  les  relateurs  ou  refferendaires  de 
ceste  chose,  t'eflforces  et  estudies  de  le  reprende  et  chargier  de  faultes  en  ta 
dicte  oeuure  nouuelle,  laquelle  chose  me  vient  a  grant  admiracion  et  merueille 
ine.xtimable,  et  ad  ce  non  croire  me  meut  I'experience  et  exercite  de  toy  d'auoir 
sceu,  leu  et  entendu  lui  ou  dit  liure,  et  en  ses  autres  fais  en  frangois,  et  autres 
pluseurs  et  divers  docteurs,  aucteurs,  et  poetes  .  .  .  pour  toy  donner  matiere  de 
plus  escripre  contre  lui,  se  bon  te  semble,  ou  a  tes  (fol.  88  verso  a)  satalices  [i.e., 
satellites],  qui  en  ce  fait  font  boutee,  pour  ce  que  touchier  n'y  osoient  ou  ne 
sauoient,  mais  de  toy  veulent  faire  chappe  a  pluye ;  pour  dire  que  plus  y  sauroient 
que  une  femme  et  plus  reprimer  la  renommee  (indeficient  entre  les  mortelz),  d'un 
tel  homme  .  .  .  " ;  p.  31 :  "...  t'ay  premierement  par  une  mienne  lettre,  que 
auant  yer  t'enuoyay,  exortee,  auisee,  et  price,  de  toy  corrigier  et  amender  de 
I'erreur  manifeste,  folic  ou  demenance  trop  grant  a  toy  venue  par  presompcion 
ou  oultrecuidance  et  comme  femme  passionce  en  ceste  matiere — ne  te  desplaise 
se  ie  dy  voir." 

See  also  Pierre  Col's  letter,  Ward,  p.  65. 


52 

this  would  tend  to  show  that  Gontier  Col  and  Monstereul  took  ex- 
ception to  her  attitude  on  the  question  of  "les  moeurs"  as  well  as 
on  that  of  "la  solidarite  feminine."  They  saw  the  power  of  the 
Church  loosening  on  certain  matters  of  conduct,  only  to  have  sub- 
stituted for  ecclesiastical  strictures  social  regulations  that  imposed 
the  same  restraints ;  it  was  the  "  Chambre  Bleue "  casting  its 
shadow  before.  These  are  not  the  motives  that  explain  the 
Humanists'  defense  of  the  works  of  Jehan  de  Meung,  whom  Col 
admires  so  highly,  and  calls,  as  we  have  seen  above,  "  mon  maistre, 
enseigneur  &  familier  feu  Maistre  Jehan  de  Meun."^^  Their  in- 
terest in  his  independence  of  outlook  and  lack  of  subservience  to 
the  established  order  of  things  is  well  known.^'*  They  were  intel- 
lectual pioneers  on  certain  lines,  just  as  he  was,  and  that  undoubt- 
edly was  for  them  the  important  point  in  common. 

Another  aspect  of  the  Quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose  that 
ought  not  to  be  lost  sight  of,  is  that  it  is  the  first  French  literary 
quarrel — a  departure  from  the  theological  quarrels  indulged  in  by 
the  men  in  orders,  who  were  of  course  the  learned  class  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  The  presence  of  a  woman  in  such  a  quarrel  is  also  a 
distinct  innovation.  The  subject-matter  itself  was  not  entirely  new. 
Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  "fabliau  attitude"  towards 
women  all  thru  the  Middle  Ages,  and  there  were  undeniably  a  cer- 
tain number  of  literary  lieux-communs  in  the  quarrel.  Canon  Pierre 
Col's  position,  for  instance,  seems  to  me  little  else  than  a  variant  of 
that  of  the  mediaeval  monk  of  a  Rabelaisian  cast  of  mind  who  be- 
lieved in  calling  a  spade  a  spade  and  was  quite  oblivious  to  aesthetic 
preoccupations  as  well  as  to  those  ethical  considerations  that  stirred 
Christine. 

Petit  de  Julleville^'^  does  not  consider  the  quarrel  a  purely  liter- 
ary one,  but  states  that  it  was  "  aussi  et  surtout  une  querelle  morale 
et  religieuse."  This  is  due  to  the  role  played  in  it  by  Gerson,  whose 
attitude  in  the  matter  is  wholly  clerical,  and  whose  main  interest 
was  not  in  the  phase  that  is  significant  for  us,  viz.,  the  fact  that  it  is 
a  link  in  the  series  of  works  for  and  against  women  in  France,  from 
the  fourteenth  to  the  sixteenth  century.     Gerson's  intervention  on 

*3  Ward,  p.  29. 

**  Lavisse,  Histoirc  dc  France,  vol.  iv,  p.  405. 

*5  Revue  des  Cours  et  Conferences,  June  4,  1896,  p.  540. 


53 

Christine  de  Pisan's  side  ended  the  quarrel  for  the  time  being,  but 
the  fifteenth  century  is  full  of  works  written  from  the  point  of  view 
championed  by  Gontier  Col,  and  some  of  the  most  trenchant  tirades 
against  women  date  from  this  period.'**^  The  quarrel  reached  its 
full  development  in  the  sixteenth  century  with  Frangois  Rabelais,'*'^ 
the  most  ardent  and  skilful  writer  against  women  of  them  all.  Col 
gives  but  a  faint  foretaste  of  the  doughty  author  of  the  "  Tiers  livre 
de  Pantagrucl,"  albeit  an  ardent  partisan  of  the  ideas  on  women 
that  they  both  shared  in  common. 

So  this  oldest  of  literary  quarrels  in  France  not  only  has  a  cer- 
tain religious  tinge  derived  from  Gerson's  role  in  it,  but  it  is  some- 
what prophetic  in  its  defence,  by  men  of  standing  and  reputation  and 
who  were  deeply  interested  in  Humanism,  of  the  extreme  individual- 
istic moral  code  of  the  Renaissance.  Nor  is  this  all,  for  it  also 
is  a  forerunner  (less  far-reaching  in  scope,  it  is  true,  although  simi- 
lar as  to  subject-matter)  of  the  "  querelle  des  femmes  "  which  be- 
longs to  the  history  of  tlie  literary  development  of  the  Greater  Re- 
naissance. 

II. — Gontier  Col  a  Member  of  the  "  Cour  Amoureuse  " 

In  the  light  of  the  foregoing,  it  is  rather  astonishing  to  find 
Col's  name  on  the  roster  of  the  famous  "Cour  Amoureuse,"^ 
founded  in  1401  (14  fevrier,  1400  v.  s.),  that  much  discussed  or- 
ganization which  at  one  time  was  thought  to  be  an  "association 
voluptueuse  "^  reflecting  Isabeau  de  Baviere's  loose  moral  code. 
Jehan  de  Monstereul  and  Gontier  Col  both  belonged  to  it,  although 
one  section  of  the  charter  expressly  covers  Col's  attitude  in  the 
"  Querelle."  I  refer  to  the  following  "  item,"  which  I  will  quote  in 
full.3 

Item,  pour  ce  que  la  hautesse  d'amourz  est  inconprenable  et 
que  tous  nobles  et  autres,  dignes  d'estre  amoureux,  doivent  parer 

**  A.  Lefranc,  Le  Tiers  livre  du  Pantagruel  et  la  querelle  des  femmes  in 
Revue  des  £tudes  Rahelaisiem\cs,  1904  (i"  Fasc),  P-  5  seq. 

*^  Lefranc,  op.  cit.,  1904  (3*  Fasc),  pp.  102-109. 

1  A.    Piaget,   La   Cour  Amoureuse   de    Charles    VI,   Romania,   xx,    p.    429. 

2  Piaget,  op.  cit.,  Romania,  xx,  p.  419. 

3  Bulletins  de  I'Academie  Royale  des  Sciences,  des  Lcttrcs  et  des  Beaux- 
Arts  de  Belgique,  1886  (No.  12),  La  charte  de  la  Cour  d' Amour  de  I'annee 
1401,  par  Ch.  Potvin,  p.  213. 


54 

leurs  cueurs  de  vertus  et  gracieusetez  chascun  a  son  pooir  pour  par- 
venir  a  bonne  renommee;  d'autrepart,  comme  dit  est  que  nostre 
amoureuse  court  et  seignourie  est  principamment  fondee  sur  les 
deux  vertus  d'umilite  et  leaute,  a  I'onneur,  loenge  et  recommenda- 
cion  de  toutes  dames  et  damoiselles ;  Nous,  par  meure  et  tres  grande 
deliberation,  avons  ordonne  et  par  ces  presentes  ordonnons  a  tous 
noz  amoureux  subges,  de  quelconques  puissance,  seignourie,  auctorite 
ou  estat  qu'ilz  soient,  sans  aucun  excepter,  qu'ilz  ne  facent  ou  par 
autre  facent  faire  dittierz,  complaintes,  rondeaux,  virelays,  balades, 
lays  ou  autres  quelconques  faqon  et  taille  de  rethorique,  rimee  ou  en 
proze,  au  deshonneur,  reproche,  amenrissement  ou  blame  de  dame 
ou  dames  damoiselles,  ou  damoiselles,  ensemble  quelconques  femmes, 
religieuses  ou  autres,  trespassees  ou  vivans,  pour  quelconques  cause 
que  ce  soit,  tant  soit  grieve  dolereuse  ou  desplaisant. 

This  also  holds  good  for  "  Prince,  seigneur,  prelat,  baron,  cheva- 
lier, escuier,  autre  notable  homme,  quelqu'il  soit,  puis  qu'il  sera  sub- 
get  de  la  retenue  de  nostre  amoureuse  court,"  etc* 

The  penalty  of  such  infractions  is  as  follows : 

Tout  ce  que  dit  est  sur  peine  de  effacier  les  armes  de  tel  mal- 
eureux  delinquant  qui  telz  libelles  diffamatoires  aroit  fait  en  sa 
personne  ou  fait  faire  par  autres,  i  ou  pluseurs.  Et  apres  icelles 
ses  armes  ainsy  effaciees,  on  feroit  paindre  son  escu  de  couleur  de 
cendre,  comme  homme  infame,  ennemy  d'onneur  et  mort  au  monde, 
pour  sa  mauvaistie  et  venimeux  corage  estre  apparant  aux  veans, 
tant  en  son  vivant  comme  apres  ses  jours.  Et  nientmains,  son  nom 
et  seurnom  demorroient  escripz  sur  icelluy  son  escu,  paint  de  couleur 
de  cendres,  affin  que  la  gloire  de  sa  renommee  apparust  aux  regardans 
estre  estainte  et  mauditte  generamment  par  toutes  terres. 

Alain  Chartier^  was  expelled  from  the  "  Cour  Amoureuse  "  for 
writing  the  Belle  Dame  sans  Merci,  which  was  distinctly  not  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  spirit  of  the  above-mentioned  "  item."  Why  Col 
and  Monstereul  did  not  suffer  a  similar  fate  is  hard  to  divine.  One 
explanation  might  be  that  they  were  not  affiliated  with  the  Cour 
Amoureuse  at  the  time  of  the  Quarrel,  a  not  impossible  theory,  for 
Col  and  Monstereul  Avere  not  members  of  the  Qour  when  it  was 
founded,  their  names  appearing  on  a  separate  (undated)  list  of 
seven  members  who,  as  A.  Piaget  thinks,  probably  took  the  place  of 
deceased  minisfres.    In  reprinting  the  list  of  members  of  the  Cour 

*  Potvin,  op.  cit.,  p.  214. 

^  A.  Piaget,  Un  manuscrit  dc  la  Cour  Amoureuse  de  Charles  VI,  Romania, 
xxxi,  p.  601. 


55 

/imoureuse  from  the  manuscript  B.  N.  No.  5233  (Romania,  xx,  pp. 
424-445  ;  xxi,  pp.  597-598),  M.  Piaget  draws  attention  to  the  fact 
that  all  the  names  of  those  who  were  connected  with  the  organization 
appear  here,  altho  the  chronology  is  somewhat  haphazard.  For  in- 
stance, original  members  are  given  titles  that  they  did  not  bear  until 
many  years  after  (viz.,  1401),  and  no  note  was  made  of  the  death 
of  members,  save  in  two  cases;  internal  evidence  leads  Piaget  to 
determine  the  date  as  "  1416  vraisemblablement." 

Moreover,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  if  Col  and  Monstereul 
had  been  members  of  the  Cour  at  the  time  of  their  Quarrel  with 
Christine,  she  would  have  remarked  upon  this  fact.  It  may  even 
be  possible  that  their  adhesion  to  the  Cour  was  a  result  of  the 
Quarrel.  Christine's  appeal  to  the  Queen  and  to  Tignonville  may 
have  caused  a  certain  tension  between  them  and  some  of  their  friends 
(Gerson,  for  instance),  and  they  may  have  desired  to  give  an  earnest 
of  their  present  indifference  to  the  woman  question  by  becoming 
members  of  such  an  association  as  the  Cour  Amonreiise.  This  is 
pure  hypothesis,  and  one  really  does  not  have  to  go  so  far  partly  to 
explain  the  presence  of  these  two  Humanists  and  litterateurs  in  the 
Cour,  altho  the  question  has  been  raised  concerning  their  presence  in 
that  Coiir,^  for  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  it  was  not  merely  an  or- 
ganization complimentary  to  women.  It  had  a  literary  side,  as  the 
charter  shows.  It  was  founded  through  the  initiative  of  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  and  Louis  of  Bourbonnois,"^  and  under  the  auspices 
of  the  King,  to  help  pass  the  time  more  quickly  during  an  epidemic.® 
The  literary  side  of  the  Cour  was  worked  out  with  a  good  deal  of 
care.  The  twenty-four  ministres  of  the  Cour  d'amour  must  have 
"experte  congnoissance  en  la  science  de  rhetorique,"®   and  they 

'  Doutrepont,  La  littcrature  frangaise  a  la  cour  des  dues  dc  Bourgogne,  p. 
520;  Piaget,  Rom.,  xx,  p.  447. 

''  Potvin.  op.  cit.,  p.  202 : 

"  Se  soient  voluntairement  disposez  de  cordialment  requerir  au  roy  nostra 
souverain  Seigneur  Charles,  filz  de  Charles  roy  de  France,  sixieme  de  ce  nom, 
en  ceste  desplaisant  et  contraire  pestilence  de  epidimie  presentement  courant 
en  ce  tres  chrestien  royaume,  que  pour  passer  partie  du  tempz  plus  gracieuse- 
ment  et  affin  de  trouver  esviel  de  nouvelle  joye  il  ly  pleust  ordonner  et  creer  en 
son  royal  hostel  I  prince  de  la  cour  d'amours,  seigneurissant  sur  les  subges  de 
retenue  d'icelle  amoureuse  cour.  ..." 

*  Imitation  of  the  Decameron? 

^  Potvin,  p.  203. 


56 

"  seront  tenus  de  faire  balade  a  chascun  puy  et  de  I'apporter  en  per- 
sonne  enlx  estans  en  sante  et  en  la  ville."*'^  etc.  A  refrain  is  gfiven 
out  for  each  puy  as  a  theme  for  the  balades,^^  and  the  huissier  who 
is  on  duty  that  day  is  given  "  4  sous  parisis  avec  ce  pour  enregistrer 
les  balades  de  son  puy  &  les  nons  et  seurnons  des  factistes  d'icelles." 
The  paper  on  which  the  balades  were  written  was  furnished  by  the 
Cour.  The  day  they  planned  to  celebrate  regularly  was  that  of 
"  Monseigneur  Saint  Valentin,  XIIIP  de  fevrier  prochain  venant, 
que  les  petis  oiseles  recommencent  leurs  tres  dous  chans,  sentans 
la  nouvellete  du  gracieux  printempz."^^  From  the  charter  may 
be  deduced  that  this  was  done  for  the  first  14th  of  February  at  any 
rate.  They  were  to  begin  the  day  with  a  mass^^  at  eight  o'clock,  at 
the  Church  of  Saint  Katherine  "du  val  des  escolierz,"^^  which  was 
to  be  attended  by  the  twenty-four  ministers,  and  all  those  who  had 
written  balades  for  that  day.  Later,  the  charter  of  the  Cour 
Amour euse  was  to  be  read  in  public  "au  lieu  et  a  I'eure  que  on  or- 
donnera,"  in  the  presence  of  "tons  noz  amoureux  subges  de  retenue, 
&  ainsy  a  tel  jour,  d'an  en  an."  It  was  their  "  founder's  day,"  and 
the  members  of  the  Cour  were  expected  to  attend,  under  pain  of 
certain  penalties,^'^  "  pour  venir  diner  en  joieuse  recreacion  et  amour- 
euse  conversation,  au  lieu  ou  ordonne  sera  par  noz  commis  a  ce 
faire."  On  that  day,  all  the  "  amoureux  subges  de  retenue,  factistes 
et  rethoriciens  "  were  held  to  write  a  balade  amourensc  on  a  refrain 
of  their  own  choosing,  and  to  read  it  in  the  assembly;  after  which 
the  balades  were  to  be  sealed  by  the  "  contreseel  de  notre  amoureuse 
court."  They  were  then  taken  to  the  "  dames  telles  que  on  avizera 
pour  les  jugier  a  leur  noble  avis  et  bonne  discrecion,  lesquelles 
dames,  de  leur  grace  et  hautesse,  donront  deux  vergettes  d'or,  pour 
couronne  et  chapel,  aux  mieux  faisans  de  ce  jour,  et  puis  les  nous 
renvoieront."    If  any  of  these  balades  chosen  by  the  ladies  had  "  vice 

"^^  Ibid.,  p.  205. 

**  Ibid.,  p.  205.  Arrangements  are  made  for  copying  "  refrain  "  and  money 
for  it  is  allowed  the  minister  at  whose  house  the  puy  is  to  meet  (p.  204). 

^2  Ibid.,  p.  209.  Potvin  draws  attention  to  the  fact  that  this  was  Valentine 
Visconti's  fete  day,  which  she  observed  with  certain  ceremonies  {op.  cit.,  p.  199). 

^3  "  a  notte,  a  son  dorgues  a  chant  et  deschant "  (Potvin,  p.  209). 

^*E.  Raunie.  Epitaphicr  du  Vicux  Paris,  vol.  ii,  pp.  261-273. 

^o  "  sur  la  paine  de  privacion  de  nom  et  d'armes  cy  dessus  declaire,  ou  caz 
toutes  voies  qu'ilz  seroient  en  sante  sans  fiction  aucune,"  Potvin,  p.  209. 


57 

de  fausse  rime,  reditte  trop  longue  ou  trop  courte  ligne  en  la  balade 
couronnee  ou  chapelee,"  they  were  to  be  sent  back  at  once  to  the 
ladies,  for  them  to  judge  anew,  for,  as  the  charter  says : 

Prenroient  des  autres  balades  les  deux  meilleures,  pour  ce  que 
toutes  icelles  balades  seront  enregistrees  en  noz  amoureux  registres, 
chascun  an,  et  ne  seroit  pas  bien  seant  que  la  couronnee  ou  chapelee 
fussent  vicieuses,  puisque  le  vice  apparoit  clerement  en  ce  meismes 
jour.^^ 

The  Cotir  also  had  a  great  celebration  in  the  month  of  May,  "a 
tel  jour  que  ordonne  sera,"  consisting  of  a  "  feste  "  and 

diner  de  puy  royal  d'amoureuses  chancons  de  cinq  coupples  dont  la 
forme  et  taille  est  assez  notoire ;  auquel  puy,  on  donra  au  deux  mieux 
faisans  couronne  d'argent  pesans  quatre  unces,  et  chapel  d'argent 
pesant  trois  unces. ^'^ 

There  was  still  another  regularly  recurring  celebration  of  the 
Cour  d' Amour,  to  be  held  on  one  of  the  five  feast  days  of  the  Virgin, 
and  consisting  of  a  "puy  royal  et  diner,"  for  which  puys  were  to  be 
written  "  serventois  de  cinq  coupples  a  la  loenge  et  selon  la  feste 
d'icelle  tres  glorieuse  vierge."  The  awards  were  a  "couronne  de  i 
marc  d'argent  pesant,  et  chapel  de  cinq  unces  d'argent  pesant,  aux 
deux  mieux  faisans  ce  jour."^^ 

Before  leaving  the  literary  side  of  the  Cour,  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  not  only  balades  and  serventois  were  written,  but  also  discus- 
sions, "  se  aucunes  questions,  pour  plaisant  passetempz  sourdoient 
entre  noz  subges  en  fourme  d'amoureux  proces  pour  differentes 
oppinions  soustenir."^^ 

The  regular  meetings  of  the  Cour  were  held  monthly  at  the 
house  of  the  twenty-four  ministers  in  turn,  and  if  the  appointed 
host  was  out  of  town  or  ill,  he  must  find  a  substitute  under  pain  of 
expulsion,  and  of  having  his  arms  blotted  out  of  the  "amoureux 
registre,"  in  which  were  kept  the  names  and  the  coats-of-arms  of  the 
members,  and  which  was  apparently  a  sort  of  Tout  Paris  of  the 
times.2''    The  registre  was  to  be  carefully  kept  as  well  as  "  les  papiers 

^^  Potvin,  op.  cit.,  p.  210. 

IT  Ibid. 

^^  Ibid.,  p.  211. 

'^^  Ibid.,  p.  212. 

20  For  list  of  members  see  Piaget,  Rotn.,  xx,  pp.  424-444,  and  xxxi,  p.  598. 


i^ 


58 

des  balades  et  autres  fais  de  rethorique,"^^  so  that  they  might  be 
shown  to  those  who  wished  to  see  them. 

The  hterary  side  of  the  Coiir  Amoureuse  has  been  described  here 
in  such  detail  because  it  probably  accounts  for  some  of  the  names 
on  the  membership  list,  notably  those  of  Monstereul  and  Col,  which 
seem  so  out  of  place  in  an  association  bearing  such  a  title.  This  is 
not,  however,  the  only  association  of  its  kind  in  the  fourteenth  and 
fifteenth  centuries,  altho  set  off  from  the  others  by  its  distinctly 
literary  flavor.  Passing  reference  must  be  made  here  to  the  fact  that 
in  those  centuries  were  founded  several  orders  of  chivalry,  such  as 
that  of  Boucicault,^^  whose  chief  aim  was  the  defense  of  women, 
and  that  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,^^  animated  by  somewhat  the 
same  idea.  These  were  all  attempts  at  a  revival  of  the  conrtols 
attitude  towards  women,  and  it  seems  probable  that  they  were  a 
phase  of  the  contemporary  woman  question.  The  general  attitude 
of  criticism  of  women  at  that  time  has  already  been  dwelt  upon; 
these  organizations  were  simply  signs  of  reaction  against  it. 

III.  Col's  Role  in  the  Quarrel  between  Jehan  de  Mon- 
stereul AND  AmbROSIUS  DE  MiLIIS 

We  have  found  the  quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose  to  be  inter- 
esting as  showing  the  attitude  of  the  times  towards  women,  and  also 
because  of  the  light  it  throws  on  a  little  nucleus  of  Humanists. 
Another  quarrel,  or  rather  series  of  quarrels,  also  illuminating  in 
that  regard,  was  that  between  Jehan  de  Monstereul  and  an  Italian 
Humanist,    Ambrosius    de    Miliis,^    with    whom    he    indulged    in 

21  Potvin,  p.  207. 

22  In  Livre  des  faicts  du  Marechal  de  Boucicault,  ed.  by  Michaud  &  Pougui- 
let,  Paris,  1854,  ch.  28  and  29,  pp.  254-257. 

28  Douet  d'Arcq,  Pieces  incditcs,  vol.  i.  p.  370  seq. 

1  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  pp.  53-54,  64,  68,  note  i,  83:  Romama,  vol.  33.  p.  393,  n. 
2;  vol.  ii,  col.  1456  seq.  Heuckenkamp,  Lc  Ciirial,  pp.  xii,  xxx-xxxv,  xlv. 
Groeber,  Grundriss  dcr  romanischen  Philologie,  II  Band.  p.  1093  seq. 

Through  the  kindness  of  M.  Antoine  Thomas,  who  has  communicated  to  me 
a  certain  amount  of  unedited  data  about  Ambrosius  de  Miliis  found  by  him,  it 
is  possible  to  trace  some  of  the  movements  of  the  "  personnage  enigmatique" 
(Romania,  xxxiii,  p.  394,  note). 

Ambrosius  de  Miliis  was  probably  in  the  service  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  as 
early  as  1398,  for  there  is  a  letter  dated  the  22d  of  September  of  that  year  from 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  the  King  of  Castille,  Henry  III,   signed  Des  Millez, 


59 

polemics  over  the  relative  merits  of  Vergil,  Cicero  and  Ovid.^  This 
obscure  Italian  Humanist  had  come  to  Paris,  and  thru  the  kind- 
ness of  Jehan  de  Monstereul,  who  admired  him  greatly  because  of 
his  interest  in  Humanism,  became  the  secretary  of  Louis  of  Orleans, 
and  subsequently  of  Charles,  his  son.  Monstereul  and  Ambrosius 
quarrelled,  however,  and  the  Italian  wrote  to  Col^  complaining  bit- 
terly of  the  Prevot. 

In  this  letter,  which  is  rather  long,  Ambrosius  excuses  himself 
for  not  having  written  before,  because  of  his  manifold  duties,  and 
assures  Col  of  his  firm  friendship.    He  alludes  in  uncomplimentary 

whom  M.  Thomas  is  inclined  to  identify  with  Ambrosius.  (G.  Daumet,  £tudes 
sur  I'alliance  de  la  France  et  de  la  CasHlle,  pp.  206-207 ;  Bibliotheque  de  l'£cole 
des  Hautes  £tudes,  fasc.  118,  1898.)  After  the  assassination  of  Louis  of  Orleans, 
the  King  gave  him  the  post  of  notary,  so  he  claimed  in  his  law-suit  tried 
before  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  September  9,  1415,  against  Jean  le  Boursier, 
concerning  a  post  of  notaire  du  roy  a  bourses  et'  a  gages,  in  which  he  said 
Charles  V  "  volt  par  avant  ccccix  et  ce  dit  an,  qu'il  fust  son  notaire,  et  lui  bailla 
gages  extraordinaires  de  iii"^  frans.  Puiz  fu  absens."  (Arch.  Nat.,  X'A  4790, 
fol.  327  v°.)  From  another  source  (M.  Faucon,  Rapport  de  deux  missions  en 
Italie,  in  Archives  des  Missions  scientifiques  et  litteraires,  3*  serie,  vol.  viii, 
Paris,  1882,  p.  94)  it  appears  that  in  1412  he  was  in  Asti,  in  the  service  of  Charles 
of  Orleans,  and  had  been  in  the  service  of  that  prince  the  previous  year  as 
well.  All  of  141 1  was  not  spent  in  Italy,  for  in  the  spring  of  that  year  a  certain 
Johannes  Dyonisii,  cpicicr  et  bourgeois  de  Paris  had  seized  a  horse  and  two 
coffres  belonging  to  Maistre  Ambrosius,  to  liquidate  a  debt  of  18  livres  tournois 
hotel  charges,  incurred  by  Ambrosius  and  his  family  {Arch.  Nat.,  X'A  58,  fol. 
134).  In  1413  Ambrosius  is  back  in  Paris  (we  are  following  the  Manuscript 
Archives  Nat.  X'A  4790,  fol.  327  v",  concerning  the  law-suit)  and  claims  that 
"  et  I'an  CCCCXIII,  le  Roy  memoratif  de  ce  qu'avoit  voeu  et  des  lettres  qu'avoit 
baillie  a  Ambroise,  lui  donna  I'office  de  maistre  Lorent  Larin  qui  restoit  forfait 
oudit  office.  Et  encores,  le  vi*  jour  de  May,  CCCCXIIII,  lui  donna  le  Roy, 
vacant  par  mort,  et  eut  ses  lettres.  .  .  .  The  law-suit  dragged  on.  Maistre 
Jaques  de  Claye  succeeded  in  having  adjudged  to  him  the  rights  of  Jean  le 
Boursier,  and  continued  the  case.  The  last  mention  of  the  matter  is  dated 
March  17,  1417/8  (Arch.  Nat.,  X'A  4792,  fol.  32  v°),  and  M.  Thomas  is  inclined 
to  accept  the  theory  that  Ambrosius  met  his  death  at  the  time  of  the  Burgundian 
uprising  in  Paris  (1418).  There  is  still  one  later  reference  to  Ambrosius,  May, 
1417,  in  the  catalogue  of  the  library  at  Blois  (published  by  L.  Delisle  in  the 
Cabinet  des  Manuscrits,  I,  105-108,  art.  47,  p.  107),  where  a  reference  is  made 
to  the  "  Lettres  closes  de  Maistre  Ambroise,"  etc.  Pierre  Champion,  in  La 
Librairie  de  Charles  d'Orlcans  (1910),  p.  5,  note  2,  raises  the  question  as  to 
whether  this  is  not  Ambrosius  de  Miliis,  a  query  in  the  affirmative  answer  to 
which  M.  Thomas  concurs. 

2  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  pp.  53-54  64,  83.    Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  ii,  cols.  1423  and  1426. 

'Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  ii,  col.  1456. 


6o 

terms  to  Monstereul,  and  expresses  fear  lest  the  latter  succeed  in 
turning  Col  against  the  writer  by  impugning  his  sincerity,  and  he 
attributes  Monstereul's  enmity  to  what  he  calls  a  puerile  cause,  viz., 
to  the  fact  that  the  writer,  carrying  on  his  own  business  with  a  cer- 
tain personage,  humbly  but  firmly  refused  to  yield  to  Jehan  when  the 
latter  was  bent  on  some  trifle  of  no  importance.  Ambrosius  accuses 
Monstereul  of  selfishness,  self-interest  and  greed,  and  of  acquiring 
much  wealth  by  means  best  known  to  himself.  He  indulges  in  specu- 
lations as  to  the  Prevot's  reasons  for  amassing  so  much  money  tho 
he  has  no  family  ties,  and  again  refers  to  Monstereul's  reputation 
for  avarice.  Ambrosius  next  gibes  at  Jehan's  belletristic  pretentions, 
at  his  reading  to  no  good  purpose,  and  at  his  desire  to  collect  his 
letters  for  posterity  (it  is  indeed  rather  interesting  to  note  that  Jehan 
was  consciously  collecting  and  preparing  them  with  that  aim  in 
view).  The  Prevot's  claims  as  a  philosopher  and  as  an  orator  are 
next  commented  upon  by  the  Italian  Humanist,  w-ho  notes  the  fact 
that  Jehan  acknowledges  a  certain  difficulty  in  understanding  some 
of  Seneca's  maxims.  The  writer  goes  on  to  suggest  to  Col  that  he 
attempt  to  make  Monstereul  mend  his  ways ;  that  he  argue  secretly 
with  him  at  first,  and  that  if  this  is  not  successful  he  try  publicity. 

The  Italian  then  writes  concerning  his  own  present  way  of  life, 
what  he  calls  "  meam  in  praesens  campestrem  vitam  &  ejus  quod  a 
negotiis  superest  otii  dispensationem  tuae  deduci  notitiae  cupio." 
He  refers  here  to  his  life  as  secretary  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and 
alludes  to  Col  as  experienced  in  that  career  in  which  the  writer  is  a 
beginner.  He  considers  his  profession  one  that  offers  wonderful 
opportunities  for  usefulness  to  the  State,  and  rejoices  that  he  has 
this  position  as  secretary  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  although  the 
responsibility  is  great. 

Col  apparently  communicated  this  letter  to  Monstereul,  and  to 
Clamanges  as  well,  for  in  the  Lydius  edition  (p.  31)  of  the  latter's 
works  there  is  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Jehan,  in  which  he  speaks 
of  seeing  "  non  epistolam  sed  hostilem  potius  accusationem  quam 
Ambrosius  ad  optimum  Guntherum  nostrum  de  te  scripsit."  Nico- 
las expresses  his  amazement  that  any  one  should  think  such  things 
of  the  Prevot,  much  more  of  some  one  befriended  by  him.  Cla- 
manges is  also  astonished  that  such  accusations  should  be  sent  to 
Col,  the  Prevot's  most  faithful  friend: 


6i 

.  .  ,  ilia  scrita  .  .  .  suis  author  ad  Guntherum  tuum  inter 
omnes  mortales  .  .  .  fidelissimum,  sincerissimum,  integerrimumq : 
amicum  mittere  ausus  est. 

If  the  Italian  did  not  refrain  from  such  conduct  from  ethical 
motives,  it  seemed  strange  that  he  did  not  do  so  from  reasons  of 
policy,  for  his  conduct  was  not  of  a  nature  to  inspire  confidence  in 
the  breast  of  any  other  would-be  benefactor.  Clamang-es  considers 
Ambrosius  a  case  for  pity  rather  than  for  resentment,  and  that  un- 
consciously he  had  done  the  Prevot  a  favour  by  openly  showing  him- 
self the  false  friend  that  he  was.  From  this  point  to  the  end  of  the 
letter,  the  writer  generalizes  on  friendship  in  true  Clamangese  style. 

This  letter  is  not  the  only  one,  on  the  subject  of  Ambrosius' 
epistle  to  Gontier,  with  which  the  name  of  this  Churchman  has  been 
connected. 

In  the  Opera  Omnia  of  Nicolas  de  Clamenges,  Lydius  edition, 
p.  33,  Epistle  VII  bears  the  following  heading: 

Sub  nomine  Guntheri  Colli  regij  Secretarij,  ad  eundem  Ambro- 
sium  scripta,  suae  ingratitudinis  in  lohannem  Praepositum  Insulen- 
sem  increptoria.  "Justum  erat,  Ambrosi,  si  saperes  aut  boni  in  te 
viri  imaginem,  etc.''^ 

These  opening  words  coincide  with  those  found  in  an  entry  con- 
cerning the  manuscript  of  a  letter  (attributed  to  Col),  in  the  Tours 
library,^  which  runs  as  follows : 

3  Fol.  60.  Lettre  de  Gonthier  a  Ambroise  de  Miliis,  pour  le 
blamer  de  sa  conduite  a  I'egard  de  Jean,  prevot  de  Lille.  "  Justum 
erat,  Ambrosi,  si  saperis  aut  boni  in  te  viri "  ..."  in  quam  partem 
tue  habene  laxabuntur."  Suit  la  rubrique  de  cette  lettre,  "  Responsio 
Gontherii  ad  sequentem  epistolam." 

The  following  number,  on  fol.  61,  is  the  letter  of  Ambroise  de 
Miliis  that  caused  all  the  trouble.  It  is  reprinted  in  the  Am.  Col., 
vol.  II,  col.  1456. 

The  two  letters  are  practically  the  same  as  far  as  subject-matter 
is  concerned.  Both  of  them  bitterly  upbraid  Ambrosius  de  Miliis 
for  attacking  Jehan  de  Monstereul,  and  object  to  the  attempt  to 
bring  the  writer  into  the  quarrel,  on  Ambrosius'  side,  against  his 

♦Manuscript  of  letter  listed  in  Rheims  library,  number  628,  fol.  20. 
6  For  text,  see  App.  D. 


62 

close  friend  the  Prevot  Jehan.  The  writers  enumerate  all  the  favors 
that  Jehan  had  done  for  Ambrosius;  how  he  had  hospitably  wel- 
comed Ambrosius  to  his  house,  and  obtained  a  good  position  for 
him,  and  incidentally  touch  on  the  Italian's  pertinacity  when  seek- 
ing a  post.  Both  of  the  letters  dwell  on  the  fact  that  Jehan  had 
praised  Ambrosius  very  highly  and  did  all  that  he  could  to  help  him. 
Both  letters  also  speak  of  Ambrosius'  former  professions  of  grati- 
tude, and  how,  far  from  expecting  to  be  attacked  by  him,  Jehan 
would  have  expected  of  him  succor  and  defense,  in  case  of  need. 
Nor  had  Ambrosius  hurt  himself  alone;  he  had  aroused  the  sus- 
picions of  the  French,  who  would  no  longer  be  so  hospitable  to  for- 
eigners. Another  regrettable  aspect  of  the  matter  was  Ambrosius' 
duplicity,  as  he  had  never  shown  any  signs  that  his  friendship  was 
waning,  and  his  letter  had  been  a  great  surprise.  Both  letters  dwell 
on  the  fact  that  the  Prevot  ought  to  feel  indebted  to  Ambrosius  for 
at  last  putting  aside  his  hypocrisy,  and  taking  openly  a  hostile  stand. 
The  letter  of  the  Lydius  edition  contains  two  short  passages  here 
not  found  in  the  Tours  MS.  Both  letters  refer  to  Ambrosius' 
acknowledgment  that  the  cause  of  his  resentment  was  a  trifling  inci- 
dent, and  follow  this  reference  by  an  exhortation  to  Ambrosius  to 
return  to  his  better  self.  The  Italian  Humanist  is  told  that  he  ought 
to  accept  in  good  part  what  a  friend  says  frankly  and  openly,  and 
I  that  otherwise  he  is  in  danger  of  having  no  friends,  only  flatterers. 
The  privilege  of  frankness  of  speech  between  friends  is  next 
touched  upon,  and  the  fact  that  a  more  or  less  violent  discussion 
ought  not  to  break  up  friendship,  but  on  the  contrary  renew  it, 
quoting  Terence  to  the  effect  that  the  quarrel  of  lovers  is  the  re- 
newal of  love,  and  concluding  by  accusing  Ambrosius  of  being  over- 
sensitive. Both  letters  also  accuse  him  of  wishing,  in  his  attacks 
upon  the  Prevot's  ignorance,  to  display  his  knowledge;  all  that  he 
had  displayed  however  was  his  bad  faith.  At  this  point  there  is  in 
the  Lydius  letter  a  digression  on  the  dangers  of  allowing  oneself 
to  be  carried  away  by  eloquence  without  wisdom,  since  there  is  no 
true  eloquence  without  wisdom,  and  since  wisdom  does  not  abide  in 
a  heart  full  of  gall.  Wisdom  is  then  defined,  and  the  suggestion  is 
made  that  if  Ambrosius  had  more  of  that  quality,  he  might  the  better 
see  some  of  his  own  mistakes.    Both  letters  conclude  by  saying  that 


63 

the  writer  does  not  wish  to  enumerate  the  insults  that  Ambrosius 
has  hurled  at  Monstereul,  for  that  would  take  too  much  time,  and 
that  Ambrosius'  attacks  need  no  answer,  as  the  Prevot's  integrity  is 
his  own  best  defense,  but  that  if  any  were  necessary  the  Italian  must 
remember  that  such  accusations  may  well  be  two-edged. 

The  endings  of  the  two  letters  differ  somewhat.  The  Lydius  let- 
ter suggests  to  Ambrosius  that  Monstereul  has  other  friends,  whose 
answers  would  have  been  very  different  in  tone  from  the  above  if 
they  had  received  such  a  letter  from  the  Italian ;  and  concludes  with 
a  quotation  from  Virgil  anent  the  native  guile  of  the  Ligurian,  and 
warns  Ambrosius  against  making  it  applicable  in  his  case.  The 
Tours  letter  ends  with  the  warning  that  if  he  does  not  know  how  to 
curb  his  tongue  and  pen,  he  had  best  be  more  circumspect  in  the 
future  in  giving  them  free  rein.  A  perusal  of  the  two  letters  reveals 
so  much  similarity  between  them,  that  the  first  impression  is  that  it 
must  be  the  same  text.  A  closer  inspection,  however,  brings  out  the 
following  facts : 

For  the  first  eighteen  lines  the  Tours  MS.  and  the  Lydius  edition 
letter  coincide.  This  is  also  true  of  some  twenty  additional  lines  of 
the  Tours  MS.  There  are  a  few  passages  where  the  order  of  the 
words  is  different,  and  where  some  omissions  and  intercalations 
occur.  Passages  also  occur  in  which  the  Tours  letter  and  the  one  in 
the  Lydius  edition  use  an  entirely  different  arrangement  of  material, 
and  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  Lydius  letter  has  elaborations  not 
in  the  Tours  MS.^  These  elaborations  are  obviously  in  the  Cla- 
mangese  style,  and  it  may  well  be  that  the  Tours  epistle  was  attrib- 
uted to  Gontier  through  some  misunderstanding  due  to  the  fact  that 
Nicolas  de  Clamanges  had  written  it  sub  nomine  Gimtheri  Colli,  as 
the  Latin  rubric  has  it.  The  question  is  an  intricate  one,  but  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  in  Jehan  de  Monstereul's  letter  to  CoF  in 
answer  to  the  epistles  under  discussion,  he  quotes  the  two  lines  of 
Virgil  that  end  the  Clamanges  letter,  and  that  do  not  appear  in  the 
Tours  MS.  That  is  our  chief  interest  in  this  letter  of  Monstereul, 
which  for  the  most  part  is  composed  of  a  mass  of  invective  against 

« The  foregoing  remarks  are  illustrated  by  the  two  letters ;  for  complete 
text  of  which,  see  App.  D. 

^  Bibliotheque  Nationale.    Fonds  Latin.     13062,  fol.  72^".,  App.  E. 


64 

Ambrosius,  of  rebuttal  of  the  various  charges  made  against  him  by 
the  Italian,  and  of  protestation  of  friendship  for  Col. 

While  none  of  the  epistles  in  the  quarrel  are  formally  dated,  the 
epistle  VI  of  Nicolas  de  Clamanges  to  Jehan  de  Monstereul  bears 
at  the  end.  Datum  Parisiis.  It  was  after  1 394-1 395  (A,  Muntz, 
Nicolas  de  Clemanges,  sa  vie  et  ses  ecrits,  Strasbourg,  1846,  p.  11) 
that  Nicolas  was  called  to  Avignon  to  take  the  post  of  secretary 
to  Benedict  XIII,  so  that  the  quarrel  apparently  took  place 
before  Nicolas  left  for  Avignon.  Moreover,  in  his  letter  to  Col, 
Ambrosius  de  Miliis  speaks  of  himself  as  a  rauf  recruit  in  com- 
parison with  Col,  who  is  a  veteran,  and  makes  plain  by  ref- 
erences to  his  position  in  the  household  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  that 
he  is  speaking  of  his  career  as  secretary  of  the  prince.®  Ambrosius 
was  probably  secretary  to  the  Duke  circa  1398,  as  has  been  said 
above,  so  that  in  all  likelihood  the  quarrel  took  place  between  1395 
and  1398.  According  to  this  hypothesis,  it  precedes  chronologically 
the  quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose;  but  here  it  has  been  treated 
afterwards  because  of  its  closer  connection  with  Col's  literary  group, 
whose  activities  will  presently  be  discussed. 

The  role  of  Col  in  this  quarrel  with  Ambrosius  de  !Milliis  shows 
the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  group,  and  that  is  what  is 
valuable  for  us  in  it.  Ambrosius'  letter  suggests  that  Col  has  more 
real  understanding  of  Humanism  than  Monstereul,  at  least  in  the 
eyes  of  the  writer,  a  point  of  view  that  might  be  substantiated  by 
the  very  attitude  of  admiration  for  Col's  learning  seen  in  several 
letters  of  Monstereul  himself.  In  view  of  the  lack  of  more  solid 
evidence  this  is  as  far  as  the  point  can  be  considered  here.  Before 
leaving  this  subject,  it  may  be  noted  that  this  quarrel  is  another 
point  of  resemblance  between  the  French  group  and  the  Italian 
Humanists,  who  were  in  practice  such  individualists  that  they  could 
get  along  with  nobody.  A  good  example  of  their  combative  attitude 
is  found  in  the  Italian  Humanist,  Niccolo  Niccoli,  who  eventually 
quarreled  even  with  his  friend  Leonardo  Bruni.     The  difficulties 

^  Ampl.  Col,  vol.  ii,  ep.  Ixxv:  Supervacuum  tamen  fuerit.  &  prope  temera- 
rium  hujus  ipsius  vitae,  modum  ne  dicam  motum  tibi  eruditissime  vir,  explicare 
quam  tu  jam  veteranus  miles  doceas.  Ego  tyro  rudis  ad  istam  tibi  quies  &  agi- 
tatio,  illius  tibi  commoda  &  incommoda  omnia  sunt  experta. 


65 


of  the  later  Italian  Humanists,  the  Gargantuan  quarrels  of  Poggio 
and  Filelfo,  are  too  well  known  to  need  more  than  a  passing  refer- 
ence. 

IV. — The  Question  of  the  Curial 

In  the  same  Tours  Manuscript  that  contains  Col's  letter  to  Am- 
brosius  de  Miliis,  blaming  him  for  his  behavior  to  Monstereul,  and 
two  letters  of  the  Italian  Humanist  to  Col/  is  also  found  the  un- 
signed Latin  letter  De  Vita  Curiali,  that  most  critics  consider  the 
Latin  text  of  Alain  Chartier's  Curial.^  The  letter  has  nothing  by 
which  to  identify  it,  save  the  following  descriptive  note  :^  "  Actum 
ambasie  die  secunda  februari  anno  Domini  millesimo  quadrin- 
gentesimo  vicesimo  quinto."  The  only  important  deduction  from 
the  above  is  that  it  was  written  before  1425.  The  letter  has  been 
reprinted  by  Martene  in  his  Amplissima  CoUectio,^  with  a  heading 
not  in  the  Tours  MS.  "Ambrosio  de  Miliis  ad  Gontherum,"  and 
the  date  1435  instead  of  1425.  Collon^  considers  this  an  "attribu- 
tion douteuse,"  although  it  is  warmly  championed  by  Heuckenkamp 
and  accepted  by  Groeber.^  The  German  savant  had  not  seen  the 
Tours  MS.,  which  he  thought  was  probably  lost,'^  and  so  bases  his 
theory  on  the  probability  (although  he  admits  the  contrary  possi- 
bility) that  the  "Ambrosius  de  Miliis  ad  Gontherum"  heading  was 
to  be  found  in  the  Tours  MS.,  which  did  not  prove  to  be  the  case. 
This  of  course  weakens  Heuckenkamp's  point  that  Chartier  did  not 
write  the  De  Vita  Curiali,  a  theory  that  has  been  vigorously  attacked 
by  Piaget^  and  Thomas.®    To  both  these  savants  the  Latin  Curial 

1  MS.  No.  978. 

2  A.  Piaget,  Le  miroir  aux  Dames,  Neuchatel,  1908,  pp.  25-26;  Romania,  vol. 
XXX,  pp.  45-48;  p.  393.  n.  2. 

8  Catalogue  general  des  Manuscrits  des  Bibliotheques  Publiques  de  France, 
No.  37,  Tours,  p.  703. 

*II,  c.  1459  seq. 

'  Cat.  Gen.,  p.  703. 

*  Le  Curial,  Halle,  1899,  pp.  xxx-xxxiv.  Groeber  also  accepts  Heucken- 
kamp's theory.     Grundriss,  2',  p.  1 104 

^  Op.  cit.,  p.  xi.  G.  Paris  and  A.  Thomas  concur  in  the  statement  that  it 
was  not  lost  (Rom.,  xxviii,  p.  484). 

8  Romania,  1901,  pp.  45-48. 

'Romania,  1904,  p.  393,  note  2;  p.  394. 


66 

was  due  to  Chartier's  pen,  and  the  inscription  in  Martene,  "Ad 
Gontherum,"  suggests  that  the  editors  of  that  compilation  simply 
found  this  letter  among  others  written  by  Ambrosius  and  Col  to 
each  other,  and  moved  by  a  probability,  put  down  the  ascription  as 
an  actuality. 

Heuckenkamp,  although  accepting — as  has  been  said  above — 
Ambrosius  de  Miliis'  authorship  of  the  De  Vita,  does  not  believe 
that  the  "  Gontherum  "  referred  to  is  Gontier  Col.  His  reasons  are, 
that  if  it  had  been  written  to  Col,  it  would  necessarily  have  been 
written  before  1395,  as  Col  began  his  court  career  in  that  year.  It 
is  a  little  difficult  to  see  as  M.  Piaget  notes^^  why  Heuckenkamp 
makes  his  court  life  begin  with  Col's  journey  to  Avignon  and  disre- 
gards his  position  as  King's  notary  since  1380.  Moreover,  while 
denying  that  the  De  Vita  Curiali  is  dedicated  to  Col,  Heuckenkamp 
makes  a  suggestion  concerning  the  "  Gontherum "  of  the  Amplis- 
sima  Collectio  reprint.  He  surmises  that  it  is  the  "  Franc-Gontier  " 
that  Philippe  de  Vitry  had  just  popularized  in  his  Dit  de  Franc- 
Gontier — the  countryman  contented  with  a  quiet  existence  along 
with  a  mate  of  his  choice."  This  theory  identifying  the  "  ad  Gon- 
therum "  with  Franc-Gontier  is  attractive,  but  the  first  lines  of  the 
De  Vita  Curiali  makes  it  hard  to  accept.^  ^  "Vir  diserte,"  as  re- 
ferring to  "  Franc-Gontier,"  could  scarcely  be  considered  apt  by  any 
reader  of  Vitry 's  poem.  Moreover,  although  we  have  seen  that 
the  term  "  frater "  was  used  loosely  among  the  Pre-Renaissance 
group, — an  example  of  which  is  Nicolas  de  Clamanges'  oft-repeated 
"frater  carissime"  addressed  to  Col, — there  is  a  considerable  dif- 
ference between  such  a  usage  and  the  fact  of  the  Humanist  author 
of   De    Vita    Curiali,    calling    Franc-Gontier    "carissime    frater." 

1°  Piaget,  Romania,  1901,  p.  46,  and  Le  Miroir  aux  Dames,  Neuchatel,  1908, 
pp.  25-26.  Je  rappelle  pour  memoire  que  M.  Heuckenkamp  a  tente  d'enlever 
a  Chartier  la  paternite  du  Curial.  qui  serait  I'oeuvre  d'un  humaniste  italien,  Am- 
brosius de  Miljis.  Mais  cette  these,  qui  un  moment  a  rencontre  une  grande 
faveur,  n'est  plus  aujourd'hui  sontenue  ni  sontenable. 

11  Heuckenkamp,  Curial,  p.  xlv.  G.  Paris  refutes  this  theory,  Romania. 
xxviii,  p.  484. 

12  Heuckenkamp,  Curial,  p.  2.    The  opening  lines  : 

"  Suades  sepius  et  hortaris,  vir  diserte  ac  carissime  frater,  ut  tibi  ad  vitam 
curialem  anhelanti  ingressum  locumque  preparem  et  in  officio  curiali  assequendo 
intercessione  opeque  adiutem,"  etc. 


67 

While  there  is  no  evidence  going  to  show  that  Alain  Chartier  did 
know  the  members  of  the  Pre-Renaissance  group/ ^  there  is  also 
nothing  to  prevent  our  supposing  that  he  was  probably  not  ignorant 
of  their  activities. 

As  far  as  sentiments  expressed  are  concerned  the  De  Vita 
Curiali  might  have  been  written  by  any  one  of  several  of  the  Pre- 
Renaissance  group,  as  well  as  by  Alain  Chartier.  Vitry's  poem  has 
already  been  mentioned,  and  it  is  believed  to  have  inspired  Pierre 
d'Ailly  to  write  Combien  est  miserable  la  vie  d'un  tyrant}"^  Both 
these  were  done  into  Latin  by  Nicolas  de  Clamanges.^^  Monsteruel, 
in  his  letter  to  Col  and  Manhac,^^  approaches  still  more  closely  the 
idea  that  inspired  the  De  Vita  Curiali,  viz.,  scorn  for  court  life. 
The  letter  is  cast  in  the  form  of  a  vision,  that  threadbare  literary 
commonplace  of  the  period,  and  describes  how  Terence  appears  to 
the  author,  roundly  abuses  court  life,  and  advises  him  to  give  it  up, 
to  live  in  the  country,  love  solitude,  read  books,  etc.  All  this  is 
much  in  the  tone  of  the  De  Vita  Curiali. 

Here  are  four  men  with  distinct  Pre-Renaissance  sympathies, 
extolling  the  simple  life  and  describing  the  drawbacks  of  a  court 
existence.  The  subject  was  accordingly  decidedly  in  the  atmosphere 
among  this  little  group  of  writers — perhaps  as  a  contrast  to  the  stormy 
times  in  which  they  dwelt.  Living  in  a  country  rent  by  internal  strife 
and  foreign  wars,  it  may  be  that  these  men  felt  a  longing  for  a  quiet 
life,  for  an  occasion  of  mental  stock-taking — a  revulsion  against 
the  artificialities  of  court  life.  Or  it  may  have  been  simply  an  at- 
tempt to  use  literature  as  an  escape  from  life.  There  is  still  another 
consideration  which  seems  plausible  and  which  might  explain  these 
poems  about  country  life.     Monstereul  quotes  Vergil's  Eclogues 

13  A.  Thomas,  in  Romania,  1904,  p.  393. 

"i?ow.  XXIX,  p.  ii2sq.;  Rom.  XXVII,  p.  64.  P.  Tschackert:  Peter  von 
Alii,  Gotha,  1877,  p.  353. 

'^^  A.  Miintz,  Nicolas  de  Clemenges,  Sa  vie  et  ses  ecrits,  Strasbourg,  1846, 
p.  60.  14.  Descriptio  vitae  tyrannicae  se  trouve  dans  Phil.  Camerarius,  Operoe 
horarum  subcisivarum,  p.  61.  15.  Carmen  de  vitae  rusticae  felicitate.  Ibid. 
The  translation  is  also  found  in  Lydius'  edition  of  Clamanges,  Opera  Omnia,  p. 
355.  Nicolai  de  Clemangis  Descriptio  vitae  tyrannicae  cum  detestatione  ac  repro- 
batione.     Note  dedication:  Ad  Guntherum  Colli. 

^^  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  ii,  col.  1398. 


68 

as  though  they  were  famiHar,^^  and  to  a  group  who  knew  and  ad- 
mired Petrarch,  Vergil's  Eclogues  were  probably  not  unknown. 
What  more  natural  than  that  the  above-mentioned  Frenchmen 
wrote  and  translated  the  poems  in  a  conscious  imitation  of  a  classic 
literary  genre,  to  wit,  the  pastoral.  To  be  sure,  this  genre  was  not 
a  flourishing  one  in  France  at  this  epoch.  There  had  been  a  period 
of  efflorescence  of  that  theme  in  the  twelfth  century  with  the  pas- 
tourelle,  but  its  great  vogue  had  passed,  and  although  there  is  more 
of  the  pastoral  element  in  France  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
centuries  than  is  generally  acknowledged,  it  was  found  most  often 
in  the  Nativity  plays,  noels,  chansons,  and  political  pastorals;  that 
is  to  say,  the  pastoral  setting  was  used  as  a  cover  under  which  to 
edify  religiously,  or  to  attack,  flatter  or  exhort,  politically.  So 
while  there  was  enough  of  the  French  pastoral  influence  extant  at 
that  time  to  lead  us  to  admit  that  the  Franc-Gontier  at  any  rate  may 
have  owed  to  it  part  of  its  inspiration,  we  can  scarcely  deny  at  least 
a  tincture  of  the  Humanistic  spirit  to  the  poems  of  Vitry  and  Ailly. 

V. — Group  Aspect  of  Contemporary  Literature 

The  quarrel  between  Jehan  de  Monstereul  and  Ambrosius  de 
Miliis  also  brings  out  the  group  aspect  of  the  Pre-Renaissance, 
for  like  the  real  Renaissance,  it  had  its  coterie,  to  wit,  a  rather 
closely  knit  literary  group  with  an  aggressive  cast  of  mind,  which 
we  might  suggest  is  one  of  the  favorite  means  by  which  France 
puts  into  motion  her  literary  reforms.  This  would  describe  the 
Pleiade,  as  it  would  the  Lyons  School,  and  could  also  be  used  with- 
out too  great  an  extension  of  the  term,  to  the  group  to  which  Gon- 
tier  Col  belonged.  This  group  also  consisted  of  a  number  of  men 
moved  by  the  same  literary  ideal,  altho  the  great  difference  be- 
tween them  and  the  two  Renaissance  coteries  lies  in  the  fact  that 
the  men  of  the  earlier  group  were  amateurs  of  letters  rather  than 
professionals — as  were  Ronsard  and  Maurice  Sceve.  The  signifi- 
cance to  us  of  this  group  as  such  is  briefly  this.  Bound  by  ties  of 
friendship  certain  men  exchanged  letters  that  are  important  in  giving 

^''Thomas,  op.  cit..  p.  60.  Avipl.  Col.,  vol.  ii,  col.  1405.  The  same  line  is 
quoted  in  both  places,  Vergil,  Eclogue  2,  line  35. 


69 

us  information  about  them  and  their  intellectual  activities  that  is 
available  nowhere  else.  Such  a  source  of  information  is  peculiarly- 
valuable  when  dealing  with  a  man  like  Col,  who  was  permeated  by 
the  diplomatic  fear  of  putting  pen  to  paper;  whose  self-effacing 
tendencies  are  hinted  at  in  the  beginning  of  one  of  Monstereul's 
letters,  "  Sed  rursus  peto  a  te,  Gonthere,  ne  lateas  "^ ;  and  whose  de- 
plorable habits  as  a  letter-writer  Monstereul  complains  of  to  him 
although  he  tries  to  defend  him  against  the  criticism  of  his  friends 
on  that  score.^  If  Col  was  indeed  chronically  a  poor  correspondent, 
it  would  explain  the  paucity  of  letters  by  him  that  have  come  down 
to  us — rather  puzzling  in  view  of  the  large  number  of  letters  extant 
written  to  him  by  his  friends.^ 

The  dearth  of  letters  by  Col  could  not  be  quite  satisfactorily 
explained  on  the  theory  of  a  possible  confiscation  of  his  property 
and  seizure  of  his  papers,  attending  his  supposed  murder  in  1418, 
for  a  like  fate  befell  other  men,  whose  correspondence,  or  at  least 
enough  to  judge  them  by,  has  been  preserved  for  us.  A  case  in 
point  is  Gontier  Col's  friend,  Monstereul. 

A  good  example  of  the  value  of  the  letters  of  the  members  of 
this  group  is  the  "  praeceptores  "  letter,  written  to  Col  and  Manhac 
by  Monstereul ;  although  in  view  of  the  dates  when  Col  and  Mons- 
tereul became  secretaries  of  the  King,  and  in  the  absence  of  any 
trace  of  Col  having  taught  in  any  of  the  Paris  colleges,  the  term 
"  Praeceptores  "  is  probably  not  to  be  taken  literally,  but  is  used  in 
the  same  loose  way  that  Nicolas  de  Clamanges  uses  "  frater  caris- 
sime "  in  his  letters.  Moreover,  Monstereul  studied  in  Paris 
(though  he  did  not  take  his  degree),"*  and  perhaps  this  circum- 
stance affects  somewhat  the  attitude  of  the  good  Prevot.  There 
is  also  another  point  to  be  noted.  Gontier  Col  went  to  Avignon  in 
1395  where  he  first  came  in  personal  contact  with  Italian  thought. 
Jean  de  Monstereul  visited  Italy  for  the  first  time  in  1 394-1395. 
It  seems  not  unlikely  that  he  got  a  glimpse  of  Humanism,  just 
enough  to  appeal  to  his  imagination,  and  when  he  returned  to  Paris 
and  was  thrown  with  his  fellow-secretary  Col,  who  had  also  just 

1  Thomas,  op.  at.,  p.  80. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  62. 

'  Clamanges,  Monstereul,  Miliis. 
♦Thomas,  p.  5. 


70 

returned  from  his  first  contact  with  Italian  life,  and  who  had 
similar  literary  tastes  with  possibly  more  complete  formal  scholastic 
training,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  he  takes  the  attitude  he 
does  towards  Col. 

Monstereul's  letters  to  Col  are  a  mine  of  information,"  and  show 
that  he  was  a  friend  for  whom  the  Prevot  de  Lille  had  great  respect. 
In  one  of  them  is  found  a  good  description  of  Col's  attitude  towards 
learning  and  scholars.^  Here  Monstereul  speaks  of  Col  as  the  man 
who  first  advised  him  to  study,  who  inspired  him  by  his  exhortation 
and  his  example.  He  also  refers  to  Col's  habit  of  taking  books  on 
his  travels  with  him  so  as  not  to  waste  any  time.  This  testimony  to 
his  love  of  books  is  confirmed  by  one  of  Col's  safe-conducts  from 
the  English  King,'^  which  specifically  mentions  "libris"  in  the  list 
of  Col's  possessions.  Monstereul  also  speaks  of  his  friend's  love 
for  discussing  things  pertaining  "ad  eloquentiam"  (rhetoric),  and 
his  encouragement  extended  to  men  interested  in  learning.  In  still 
another  letter  of  Monstereul  to  Maitre  Gontier  the  latter's  love  for 
the  classics  and  Vergil  is  again  emphasized.® 

In  spite  of  the  testimony  of  the  Prevot  de  Lille  as  to  Col's  love 
of  Vergil,  this  author  is  not  quoted  by  Col  in  the  very  pedantic 
speech  he  made  before  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  nor  in  his  letter  to  the 
Pope,  although  both  contain  classical  allusions.  Col  quotes  from 
the  Bible  (6  citations),  "Boece"  (i),  "Cato"  (i),  "les  droiz" 
(i),  "la  loy"  (i),  "Grace"  (i),  Petrarch  (i),  "Roman  de  la 
Rose"  (i),  "Salust"  (i),  "Terence"  (i),  "la  Tragedie"  (i), 
anonymous  (5).  In  his  letter  to  the  Pope  he  cites  only  the  Bible, 
Sallust,  and  Anneus  Seneca,  once  each.  The  list  is  not  particularly 
significant  for  our  purpose,  I  think,  save  to  note  the  absence  of  quo- 
tations from  Vergil  (as  already  mentioned)  or  Pliny,  although 
there  is  evidence  to  prove  that  Col  owned  a  manuscript  copy  of  the 
letters  of  Pliny.  This  information  is  drawn  from  a  letter  of  the 
eminent  churchman,   Nicolas  de  Clamanges,^®  a   friend  and  cor- 

"  Ibid.,  p.  37. 
« Ibid.,  p.  80. 
^  Rymer,  vol.  9,  p.  139. 
8  Thomas,  of>.  cit..  p.  80. 
®  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  pp.  62^3. 

^0  For  his  letters  to  Col,  consult  his  Opera  Omnia,  Lydius  edition,  1613, 
which  contains  all  but  fifteen,  for  which  A.  Miintz,  Nicolas  de  Clemenges,  pp. 


71 

respondent  of  Col's.  The  story  runs  that  Clamanges,  during  his 
stay  at  Avignon  as  papal  secretary,  came  to  know  the  librarian  of 
Benedict  XIII,  and  that  when  Nicolas  spoke  of  his  friend  Col  having 
a  manuscript  of  the  letters  of  Pliny  and  that  a  copy  might  be  made 
for  the  Pope's  library,  the  librarian  was  overwhelmed  with  joy." 

From  the  nature  of  the  writings  that  Col  has  left  us,  there  is 
little  internal  evidence  as  to  his  first-hand  knowledge  of  the  classics, 
and  this  information  must  be  drawn  from  other  sources.  We  have 
said  that  Monstereul  tells  us  that  Col  admired  Vergil;  Clamanges 
tells  us  that  Col  owned  a  copy  of  Pliny's  letters.  Beyond  this  it  is 
not  safe  to  go,  for  although  Monstereul  describes  Col  as  one  who 

23  and  27,  note  2,  refers  to  the  following  works :  D'Achery,  SpicUegium,  Paris, 
"^722,  vol.  i;  Buloeus,  Historia  universitatis  Parisiensis,  1670;  Baluse,  Miscel- 
lanea, 1713  (vol.  vi).  For  unedited  letters  of  Clamenges  to  Col,  see  Biblio- 
th^que  Nationale;  Fonds  Latin,  3127,  folios  2ivo  and  36VO,  37rto. 

1^  Nicolas  de  Clamanges,  Opera  Omnia  (Lydius  edition,  1613),  Ep.  38,  pp. 
121-122,  cited  by  L.  Delisle,  Cabinet  dcs  Manuscrits,  i,  p.  486.  While  Clamanges' 
letter  fixes  Col's  ownership  of  a  copy  of  Pliny's  Letters,  which  is  the  only  thing 
that  directly  interests  us  here,  we  might  note  that  in  the  Catalogue  de  la  Biblio- 
thcque  d'Urbain  V  (1369)  (in  M.  Faucon,  La  librairie  des  Papes  d' Avignon, 
vol.  i,  pp.  93-262),  there  are  references  to  four  copies  of  Pliny  without  noting 
which  Pliny  is  meant:  p.  154  No.  694;  p.  162,  No.  798;  p.  163,  No.  800;  p.  176, 
No.  965. 

However,  in  view  of  the  following  entry,  it  is  possible  that  both  were 
represented : 

Francisci  Petrarca,  Epistolae  de  Rebus  Familiaribus  et  Variae  (ed.  Fraco- 
setti,  Florentiae,  1862),  vol.  ii,  p.  182,  Epistola  V. 

"  In  versiculis  autem  ad  te  scriptis  quos  tarn  ardenter  efflagitas,  scito  Plinii 
Secundi  consilio  opus  esse,  quem  Italia  excedens  in  patria  sua,  Veronae  scilicet, 
ingenti  virorum  illustrium  comitatum  acie,  dimisi.  Hie  mihi  Plinius  nusquam 
est,  nee  alteri,  quod  equidem  ego  noverim,  nisi  romano  pontifici." 

Although  it  is  known  that  the  Pope's  library  under  Benedict  XIII  had  suf- 
fered losses,  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  library  of  Peniscola  there  is  the  following 
reference  to  Pliny's  letters  (M.  Faucon,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  140,  No.  933)  : 
"  Plinius  secundus  in  epistolas." 

There  are  several  other  references  to  Pliny  in  the  same  catalogue,  without, 
however,  distinguishing  between  the  two  Plinys  as  above  (Faucon,  vol.  ii,  p.  128)  : 

No.  773.     Item,     Plinius  in  uno  volumine. 

No.  774.     Item  (6)  Prima  Pars  Plinii. 

No.  775.     Item  Secunda  Pars  Plinii. 

No.  776.     Item.     Plinius  in  uno  volumine. 

The  lack  of  exact  dates  make  it  impossible  to  identify  No.  933  with  the  manu- 
script that  was  to  be  copied  for  the  Pope  from  Col's  copy  of  Plinj^'s  letters.  F. 
Ehrle,  in  his  Historia  Bibliothecae  Romanorum  Pontificutn  turn  Bonifatianae  turn 
Avenionensis  (Romae,  1890),  throws  no  light  on  the  subject. 


72 

was  interested  in  original  sources,  the  fact  that  Col  quotes  Terence, 
Cato,  Horace  is  no  proof  that  Col  has  read  them  in  the  original, 
although  this  is  probable.  The  manner  in  which  he  quotes  Petrarch 
and  Jehan  de  Meung  along  with  the  Latin  writers  and  the  Bible  is 
refreshingly  Renaissance  in  tone. 

Nicolas  de  Clamanges'  letters  to  Col  also  show  the  friendship 
existing  between  the  two  men.  His  role  in  the  quarrel  with  Am- 
brosius  de  Miliis  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  it  is  rather  inter- 
esting to  note  that  it  is  in  one  of  the  letters  in  the  quarrel,  that  of 
Nicolas  to  Jehan,  that  there  is  perhaps  the  clearest  statement  of  the 
friendship  of  Col  and  Jehan.^^  Another  letter  of  Nicolas  makes 
mention  of  Pierre  Col,  Gontier's  brother.^ ^  He  also  writes  to  Col 
on  such  varied  subjects  as  the  corruption  of  the  times,^^  their 
common  love  of  books,^^  the  plague  raging  in  Paris,^^  and  Col's 
troubles  during  the  Civil  Wars.^''^ 

From  a  broader  point  of  view,  Nicolas  is  interesting  to  us  not 
only  because  of  his  relations  with  Col.  but  because  of  the  stand  he 
took  in  regard  to  the  state  of  the  Church.  I  do  not  wish  to  touch 
the  subject  as  to  whether  he  wrote  the  De  Corrnptio  or  not,  but  this 
much  is  to  be  noted:  That  it  is  a  product  of  the  period  and  was 
believed  for  a  long  time  to  be  his ;  and  that  such  a  violent  attack  on 
the  Church  did  not  astonish  people  into  indignantly  denying  the 
possibility  of  his  having  written  it.  So  the  Pre-Renaissance  like  the 
real  Renaissance  had  in  it  elements  that  were  germs  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, although  they  were  all  blended  together  at  the  beginning  of  both 
movements.  In  the  real  Renaissance,  after  a  little  time,  they  be- 
came separated;  in  the  Pseudo-Renaissance,  the  movement  was 
checked  before  any  very  great  development  could  take  place. 

The  letters  of  Monstereul  and  Nicolas  de  Clamanges  not  only 
give  us  information  about  the  three  friends,  but  also  serve  to  show 
their  connection  with  prominent  savants  and  litterateurs  of  the  day, 
such  as  the  famous  Gerson.  although  his  position  towards  them  is 
fairly  well  defined  by  his  role  in  the  quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la 

"^^  Opera  Omnia,  p.  31,  "  Tamen  inter,"  etc. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  loi. 

^*  Ibid.,  p.  loi. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  305. 

18  Ibid.,  p.  95. 

IT  Ibid.,  p.  259. 


71 

Rose.  Another  prominent  savant  to  whom  Monstereul  has  written 
a  few  letters  was  Pierre  d'Ailly,  whose  lay  interests  were  not  only 
Humanistic,  but  scientific  rather,  if  I  may  phrase  it  so.  He  was  of 
an  inquiring  turn  of  mind,  but  that  faculty  of  his  for  investigating 
untrodden  paths,  instead  of  spending  itself  exclusively  in  the  search 
and  study  of  Latin  texts,  turned  to  astrology  and  geography,  and 
his  De  Imagine  Mundi  was  the  result  of  this  work.^^  It  would  fall 
quite  outside  of  my  province  to  discuss  the  question  as  to  how  much 
of  an  inspiration  Ailly's  work  proved  to  be  to  Columbus  in  his  ex- 
plorations. This  much  is  sure,  the  discoverer  of  the  New  World 
owned  a  copy  of  the  De  Imagine  Alimdi,^^  and  quoted  Ailly's 
work.^*^  In  addition  to  the  geographical  interest  which  was  a  promi- 
nent factor  of  the  real  Renaissance,  Ailly  is  significant  from  still 
another  point  of  view,  i.  e.,  as  a  writer  of  mystic  poetry.^^  Among 
his  works  are  Le  liz^re  du  Rossignolet,  which  has  been  called  a 
"  chant  de  mystique  amour,"^^  la  pitense  Complainte  et  Oraison 
devote  de  humaine  creature  qui  de  I'estat  de  peche  noiivellement  a 
Dieii  veut  retourner,  and  Le  Jardin  amoureux  de  I'dme  devote, 
which  was  printed  in  Lyons  between  15 15  and  1527.^^  The  element 
of  mysticism  in  the  works  of  Marguerite  de  Navarre  and  of  the 
School  of  Lyons,  which  is  known  to  all,  shows  still  another  bond 
between  the  false  and  the  true  Renaissance. 

In  spite  of  their  interest  in  the  classics  and  the  sciences,  how- 
ever, Ailly  and  Gerson  must  be  regarded  as  thoroughgoing  theo- 
logians, too  deeply  steeped  in  mediaeval  traditions  and  too  busy 
with  the  Schism  to  be  considered  forerunners  of  the  Renaissance 
on  the  purely  literary  side. 

Philippe  de  Vitry  has  already  been  mentioned,  but  it  is  a  little 
difficult  to  define  his  personal  relations  to  the  three  friends,  in  view 

^8  C.  Guignebert,  De  imagine  Mundi  ceterisque  Petri  de  Alliaco  geographicis 
opusculis,  Paris,  1902. 

19  H.  Harrisse,  Fernand  Colotnb,  sa  vie,  ses  ocuvres,  Paris,  1872,  pp.  88, 
119,  170. 

20  A.  de  Humboldt,  Examcn  critique  de  I'histoire  de  la  geographie  du  nou- 
veau  continent,  etc.,  i,  60-70,  76-83. 

21  L.  Salembier,  Les  ocuvres  fran^aiscs  du  Cardinal  Pierre  d'Ailly,  evegue 
de  Cambrai,  Revue  de  Lille,  Decembre,  1906. 

22  Ibid.,  p.  200. 

23  J.  Babelon,  La  Biblioth^que  Frangaise  de  Fernand  Colomh,  Paris,  1913, 
pp.  92  and  93. 


74 

of  the  paucity  of  material. ^^  It  is  easy  to  take  Philippe  de  Vitry 
as  an  example  of  the  mutations  of  reputation,  for  few  writers  have 
been  the  subject  of  such  varied  statements  and  corrections.^^  This 
poet,  whom  Petrarch  addressed  as  "Tu  poeta  nunc  unicus  Galli- 
arum,"^^  is  represented  to  us  by  the  Dit  de  Franc-Gontier  already 
mentioned  and  by  the  Chapel  des  flews  de  lis.  He  was  long  con- 
sidered the  author  of  that  interminable  Ovide  moralise  now  ascribed 
to  Chrestien  Legouis  de  S'®-More.^" 

There  are  a  number  of  contemporaries  of  Col  who  had  no  per- 
sonal relations  with  him  that  have  left  any  trace,  although  some 
corresponded  with  Monstereul  and  it  seems  not  out  of  place  to  men- 
tion a  few  of  them  here,  inasmuch  as  they  were  very  representative 
of  this  epoch.  I  have  in  mind  first  of  all  the  group  of  translators. 
Passing  reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  fact  that,  although 
the  translators  of  Charles  V  (with  whom  must  also  be  counted  those 
of  the  Dukes  of  Berry,  Burgundy  and  Orleans)  had  by  no  means 
the  point  of  view  of  the  modern  scholar  towards  their  text,  neither 
was  theirs  wholly  that  of  the  mediaeval  clerc.  Their  attitude  on 
the  linguistic  side  may  not  be  devoid  of  interest.  Let  me  quote 
Brunot  :^® 

Au  XIIP  siecle,  si  considerable  que  soit  le  nombre  des  termes 
empruntes  au  latin,  si  conscients  meme  que  puissent  etre  certains 
emprunts,  on  ne  voit  point  d'efifort  systematique  pour  naturaliser  des 
mots  latins. 

Or  c'est  la  ce  qui  caracterise  les  latiniseurs  de  I'epoque  nouvelle 
(fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries).  A  tort  ou  a  raison,  soit 
eblouissement  des  chefs-d'oeuvre  qui  leur  sont  reveles,  soit  paresse 
d'esprit  et  incapacite  d'utiliser  les  ressources  dont  leur  vulgaire  dis- 
pose, ils  se  sentent  incapables  de  I'adapter  a  des  besoins  nouveaux 
et  ils  le  declarent.    Ils  ont  desormais  une  doctrine,  et  un  systeme.^^ 

2*  A.  Thomas,  Les  lettrcs  a  la  cour  des  Papes,  Rome,  1884,  pp.  56-59- 

-'  Romania,  xxvii,  pp.  55-92.  A.  Piaget,  Le  Chapel  des  fleurs  de  lis  de 
Philippe  de  Vitry. 

26  P.  Paris,  Manuscrits  franqais  de  la  Bibliothcque  du  Roi,  iii,  180-181. 

'^'Romania,  x,  455.  B.  Haureau,  Mcmoire  sur  un  coi>uncntaire  des  ineta- 
vwrphoses  d'Ovide  in  Mcmoircs  de  I'Acadcmie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles-Lettres, 
vol.  XXX,  Part  ii,  pp.  52-53. 

28  Histoire  de  la  langue  frangaise  des  origines  dt  igoo,  Paris,  1905,  vol.  i,  pp. 
515-517-  For  mention  of  Pre-Renaissance  group,  Jehan  de  Monstereul,  Gontier 
Col,  pp.  525-526;  Petit  de  Julleville,  op.  cit.,  vol.  ii,  p.  541- 

29  Op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  518. 


75 

The  systematic  enriching  of  the  language  was  also  the  end  and 
aim  of  the  Pleiade  on  the  linguistic  side,  although  theirs  was  a  much 
broader  programme  than  that  of  the  translators  of  Charles  V.  It 
is  also  worth  noting  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  century  opinion  as 
to  the  role  of  the  translator  in  developing  literature,  in  view  of  the 
importance  of  the  Renaissance  translators,  who  can  not  be  disre- 
garded when  the  literature  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  studied.  The 
results  of  the  systematic  vocabulary-building  with  Latin  material 
are  undeniable.  Brunot  says  •.^'^  "  Le  nombre  de  mots  latins  intro- 
duits  a  cette  epoque  ne  saurait  etre  determine,  meme  par  approxima- 
tion "  .  .  .  "  Dans  I'ensemble  toutefois  il  restera  certainement  acquis 
que  I'importation  s'est  alors  fait  en  masse."  This  is  significant,  for 
it  shows  certain  of  the  aims  and  results  obtained  by  the  Pre- 
Renaissance  on  the  linguistic  side  to  have  been  shared  by  the  Pleiade. 
Herein  lies  their  importance  for  us. 

The  first  two  translators  of  the  fourteenth  century  in  point  of 
time,  Oresme  and  Berguire,  seem  to  have  had  no  connection  with 
our  group,  but  mention  might  be  made  of  Laurent  de  Premierfait, 
who,  it  will  be  remembered,  remonstrated  with  the  Prevot  de  Lille 
when  that  worthy  had  the  laws  of  Lycurgus  carved  on  the  front  of 
his  house,  and  accused  him  of  Paganism.  Monstereul  treated  this 
charge  with  little  seriousness.  He  thanked  his  friend  for  his  good 
advice,  but  had  no  hesitation  about  stating  that  his  interests  leaned 
to  mundane  things  rather  than  to  sacred  ones.^^  This  attitude  is 
quite  Renaissance  in  tone;  it  involves  the  "separation  of  Faith  and 
Reason, "^^  which  was  logically  worked  out  in  Pomponio  Lato. 
Without,  indeed,  going  quite  so  far  afield,  Monstereul's  own  con- 
temporary, Coluccio  Salutato,  said  that  the  Bible  was  only  poetry, 
in  parts,  and  he  cited  the  poetic  books  of  the  Scriptures  to  defend 
his  stand  concerning  the  reading  of  the  pagan  poets. ^^ 

This  incident  shows  that  Monstereul's  point  of  view  reflected 
some  of  the  Paganism  of  the  Italian  Humanists.  It  will  be  noted 
that  Col  left  no  similar  trace  of  incipient  tendencies.    The  point  has 

so  Ot>.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  518. 
^^  Ampl.  Col.,  vol.  ii,  col.  1409,  No.  xlvii. 

32  Revue  des  Cours  et  Conferences,  May  21,  1896,  p.  447 ;  Petit  de  Julleville, 
Jean  de  Montreuil. 

^^Epistolario  di  Coluccio  5a/«/ofi,Roma,  1896  (ed.Novati),  vol.  iii,  pp.  541-542. 


76 

been  raised  by  Hauvette  as  to  whether  the  Laurent  de  Premierfait 
of  the  Lycurgus  incident  can  be  the  one  who  translated  Boccacio's 
De  casihiis  virorum  illustribus,  and  the  Decamerone  into  French.  He 
explains  the  problem  by  positing  two  distinct  sides  to  Premierfait's 
nature,^^  interpreting  him  as  an  interesting  type  of  a  transitional 
man,  with  all  the  contradictions  so  frequently  found  in  a  transitional 
epoch,  to  wit,  that  of  a  member  of  the  Church  of  Rome  who  did 
not  hesitate  to  translate  the  Decamerone,  and  yet  of  one  who  called 
a  friend  to  account  for  his  fondness  for  Lycurgus,  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  too  secular.  Of  course,  this  is  a  case  of  the  mote  and 
the  beam,  but  it  admirably  illustrates  the  subsequent  Renaissance 
struggle  between  love  for  divine  and  profane  interests,  and  as  such 
appeals  to  us. 

The  first  translator  of  the  Decamerone  into  French  is  also  an 
innovator  in  a  small  way,  for  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  translate  a 
book  written  in  a  modern  tongue,  although  his  method  of  doing  so 
is  mediaeval  enough  to  warrant  attention  being  drawn  to  it.  As 
Laurent  de  Premierfait  did  not  know  Italian,  he  took  a  collaborator, 
an  Italian  monk,  who  translated  the  Decamerone  into  Latin,  and  Lau- 
rent translated  the  Latin  version  into  French.^^  This  probably  did  not 
seem  at  all  questionable  to  a  century  that  had  translated  a  number  of 
Greek  texts,  not  from  the  original,  but  from  the  Latin  transla- 
tions and  modern  scholarship  has  been  skeptical  of  the  claims  put 
forward  that  Guillaume  Fillastre  knew  that  language,^^  since  not 

3*  Hauvette,  De  Lanrentio  de  Primofato,  p.  29: 

"  Laurentium  de  Primofato  cum  Laurentio  Joannis  adversario  aequari  posse 
vix  credibile  arbitramur.  Non  tamen  de  duobus  distinctis  Laurentiis  agi  confi- 
denter  asseverare  audemus ;  hoc  saltem  confirmari  posse  nobis  videtur:  si 
Laurentius  unus  et  idem  est  qui  M.  Tullii.  Aristotelis  et  praesertim  Boccacii  opera 
transtulit,  sacrorumque  studiorum  causam  adversus  paganae  antiquitatis  fautores 
oravit.  fateri  debemus  duos  homines,  duas  indoles,  duas  mentes  in  uno  corpore 
exstitisse." 

The  only  good  argument  against  this  theory  is  one  brought  forward  by 
Hauvette  himself,  viz.,  that  in  view  of  the  flippant  tone  of  Jean  de  Monstereul's 
letter  to  Laurent  de  Premierfait,  it'  is  improbable  that  he  (J.  de  M.)  would  let 
slip  such  an  excellent  "  tu  quoque  "  as  that  afforded  by  a  mention  of  Laurent 
de  Premierfait's  translations  of  Boccacio. 

35  Hauvette,  op.  cit.,  pp.  66-67. 

3«  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  pp.  81-82.    L.  Delaruelle,  G.  Budc,  Paris,  1907,  p.  5 : 

"  On  trouve  en  tete  d'une  traduction  du  Phedon,  qui  est  a  la  bibliotheque  de 
Rheims,  une  lettre  de  Filiastre  au  chapitre  de  Reims  pour  qui  il  avait  fait 
executer  le  ms.     {Catalogue  General  des  Manuscrits,  xxxix,  i'  Partie,  p.  171) 


77 

a  Greek  MS.  is  found  in  this  library  of  Rheims,  which  contains  a 
number  of  his  MSS.  His  interest  in  antiquity  was  pronounced, 
however,  and  that  is  what  gave  rise  to  the  idea  that  he  was  a  Hel- 
lenist. He  had  an  inquiring  turn  of  mind,  and  classical  antiquity 
was  not  alone  in  holding  his  attention.  He  had  an  interest  in  the 
sciences  of  mathematics  and  geography,  and  his  work  in  the  last- 
named  subject  would  have  made  its  mark,^"  had  it  not  been  com- 
pletely cast  in  the  shade  by  the  geographic  works  of  his  brilliant 
friend  and  contemporary,  Pierre  d'Ailly. 

Passing  mention  may  also  be  made  of  Jean  Courtecuisse,^^  trans- 
lator of  the  Traite  des  Quatre  Vertus,  who  with  Jacques  de  Novion 
took  Monstereul's  side  in  his  quarrel  with  Ambrosius  de  Miliis.^® 

When  the  Pre-Renaissance  movement  is  viewed  in  its  general 
aspects,  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  number  of  points  it  has  in  com- 
mon with  the  Renaissance  proper.  The  most  striking  is  the  influ- 
ence of  Humanistic  Italy  through  its  well-known  men,  through  the 
presence  of  its  less  well-known  Humanists  in  Paris,  and  through 
trips  into  Italy  undertaken  by  Frenchmen  with  scholarly  training. 
To  this  may  be  added  the  role  of  the  literary  coterie  in  the  develop- 
ment of  both  the  Pre-Renaissance,  and  the  Renaissance  proper. 
In  fact,  the  group  to  which  Col  belonged  might  well  be  compared 
without  stretching  a  point  to  the  literary  groups  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Other  points  common  to  the  two  movements  are,  the 
activity  of  the  school  of  translators,  and  the  movement  for  the  con- 
scious enrichment  of  the  vocabulary.  The  writers  on  mysticism  in 
the  sixteenth  century  remind  us  that  the  Pre-Renaissance  had 
Pierre  d'Ailly  and  Jean  Gerson,  while  in  an  entirely  different  field 
Christine  de  Pisan's  role  in  contemporary  letters  is  a  faint  forecast 
of  the  role  of  the  sixteenth  century  woman  in  literature. 

To  these  purely  literary  resemblances  between  the  Pre-Renais- 
sance and  the  Renaissance  proper  might  be  added  other  points  in 
common  that  are  not  primarily  of  a  literary  character.     A  case  in 

C'est  la  .  .  .  ce  qui  a  donne  lieu  a  la  tradition  .  .  .  qui  constitue  une  erreur 
evidente.  Parmi  tous  les  livres  de  Filiastre  qu'a  recueillis  la  bibliot'heque  de 
Reims  il  n'y  a  pas  un  seul  ms.  grec." 

'^  R.  Thomassy,  Guillaume  Filiastre  considiri  comme  giographe,  Paris,  1842. 
'8  A.  Coville,  Rechcrches  sur  Jean  Courtecuisse  et  ses  a:uvres  oratoires,  in 
Bibliotheque  de  V£cole  dcs  Chartcs,  No.  65  (1904),  pp.  469-529. 
89  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  p.  83. 


78 

point  would  be  the  desire  for  reform  within  the  fold  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  set  forth  by  such  men  as  Nicolas  de  Clamanges 
and  Jean  Gerson  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  a  move- 
ment that  had  its  parallel  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  eventually  led 
to  the  Reformation  and  the  Counter-Reform.  In  still  another  field 
certain  activities  of  the  Pre-Renaissance  foreshadow  the  real 
Renaissance.  I  refer  to  certain  theoretical  writings,  such  as  those 
of  Pierre  d'Ailly,  on  various  physical  aspects  of  the  earth,  which 
were  the  lizre  de  chevet  of  that  master  of  experimental  geography, 
Christopher  Columbus. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  foregoing  that  traces  of  some  of  the 
dominant  literary  tendencies  of  the  sixteenth  century  may  be  found 
in  French  literature  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  and  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fifteenth  centuries. 

VI. — The  Role  of  the  "Negociateur"  in  the  Early 
Renaissance 

Gontier  Col  and  Jehan  de  Monstereul  were  "  negociateurs,"  i.  e., 
diplomatic  agents,  and  by  reason  of  their  position  came  in  contact 
with  foreign  life.  It  was  while  on  a  diplomatic  mission  to  Avignon 
in  1395  and  to  Florence  in  1396,  that  Col  had  an  opportunity  to 
come  into  personal  contact  with  Italian  thought.  Monstereul  also 
went  to  Italy  in  his  official  capacity  about  this  time  (1394-1395)-^ 
The  imagination  of  both  men  was  apparently  fired  by  the  new  spirit 
that  was  permeating  contemporary  Transalpine  thought.  Col,  in 
the  course  of  his  life,  devoted  his  energies  mainly  to  English  em- 
bassies, and  the  fiscal  matters  of  the  kingdom;  but  Jehan  de  Mons- 
tereul went  to  Avignon  in  1404,  and  to  Rome  in  1412.  During  the 
last-named  trip  he  came  to  know  the  Early  Renaissance  Italian  men 
of  letters,  such  as  Coluccio  Salutato,  Leonardo  Aretino,  Niccolo 
Niccoli.2 

That  Col  and  Monstereul  were  of  such  a  cast  of  mind  that  they 
would  have  caught  some  spark  of  Humanism  even  if  they  had  never 
come  in  personal  contact  with  Italian  life,  seems  improbable.  It  is 
Jean  de  Monstereul,  the  one  of  the  two  friends  who  had  made  a  stay 

^  Thomas,  op.  cit.,  pp.  9  and  89. 
2  Ibid.,  pp.  10  and  12. 


79 

in  Italy  and  had  known  the  Italian  men  of  letters,  who  was  the  real 
Humanist,  for  Col  is  left  far  behind  by  his  friend  on  this  score,  and 
Col's  importance  is  rather  that  of  the  "enlightened  amateur,"  who 
encourages  by  his  interest  and  by  his  discerning  praise  or  criticism. 
Both  his  knowledge  and  that  of  Monstereul  of  matters  Italian 
was  brought  about  thru  their  diplomatic  careers.  The  role  of 
diplomacy  in  spreading  the  Humanistic  spirit  is  therefore  to  be 
noted ;  the  more  so  that  Col  and  Monstereul  were  not  primarily  liter- 
ary men,  but  intellectuals  of  the  day,  with  minds  alert  to  new  ideas 
and  a  new  outlook  on  life. 

In  this  connection  it  might  not  be  devoid  of  interest  to  note  that 
diplomacy  was  responsible  for  Petrarch's  visit  to  Paris  in  1361,  and 
although  he  had  established  friendly  relations  with  Frenchmen  dur- 
ing his  stay  at  Vaucluse — notably  with  Berguire^ — it  was  after  this 
embassy  that  Jean  le  Bon  tried  to  induce  the  Italian  poet  to  come  to 
his  court,^  and  his  stay  apparently  made  an  undeniable  impression  on 
the  French  court. ^  Nor  was  this  true  only  of  France  at  this  time. 
The  same  phenomenon  may  be  observed  in  contemporary  England 
where  there  were  also  men  whose  position  as  diplomats  opened  to 
them  mental  vistas  that  they  might  not  have  known  otherwise. 
Chaucer  is  perhaps  the  most  eminent  example. 

Altogether  it  seems  plausible  that  these  "  negociateurs  "  played 
a  role  in  bringing  Humanism  into  France  by  reason  of  the  life  they 
led.  Doors  that  would  have  been  closed  to  the  average  foreign 
traveler  were  opened  to  them  thru  their  official  position,  and  men 
with  their  tastes  and  eagerness  for  antiquity  were  keenly  alive  to 
all  the  advantages  that  their  profession  threw  in  their  way. 

VII. — Conclusion 

In  the  light  of  what  has  gone  before  concerning  Col  and  the 
Pre-Renaissance  group  in  France  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury and  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth,  the  following  salient  points 
are  conspicuous.  Col,  like  some  of  the  contemporary  Italian 
Humanists  and  in  contrast  with  the  second  generation  of  Humanists, 
was  not  first  and  foremost  a  professional  man  of  letters.    He  was 

8  Ibid.,  p.  50. 

*  Robinson,  J.  H.,  Petrarch,  New  York  and  London,  1914,  pp.  125-126. 

°  G.  Lanson,  Histoirc  dc  la  littcraturc  fra\igaise,  Paris,  1916,  p.  156. 


8o 

an  example  of  the  "  negociateur-amateur "  and  belonged  by  birth 
to  the  bourgeoisie,  which  had  come  to  the  fore  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. He  was  also  typical  of  the  laicisation  of  learning — a  field  of 
human  endeavor  that  had  for  centuries  been  confined  to  the  clerical 
caste.  A  testimony  to  the  breaking  down  of  bars  in  this  direction 
is  seen  in  the  semi-literary  quarrel  of  the  Roman  de  la  Rose,  in 
which  a  layman  (Col)  and  a  woman  (Christine  de  Pisan)  take  part. 
Maitre  Gontier's  attitude  in  this  quarrel  is  dictated  both  by  his 
bourgeois  point  of  view,  which  was  not  particularly  tolerant  of  the 
knightly  attitude  on  the  woman  question,  and  by  his  defense  of  the 
individualistic  moral  code,  which  was  peculiarly  characteristic  of  the 
Renaissance. 

As  for  the  artistic  side  of  the  Pre-Renaissance,  Col  shows  an 
interest  in  fine  manuscripts,  tapestries,  relics  of  the  Saints  set  in 
jewels — a  taste  which  in  all  its  phases  was  Mediaeval  as  well  as 
Renaissance ;  and  there  is  no  documentary  evidence  to  show  that  he 
had  leanings  towards  the  artistic  tastes  of  the  early  Italian 
Humanists. 

Col's  chief  interest  to  us  lies  in  that  his  was  what  may  be 
called  a  pioneer  mind :  he  was  deeply  absorbed  in  the  contemporary 
quickening  of  intellectual  pursuits,  whether  in  the  classics  or  the 
"  sciences."  In  his  case,  the  interest  was  in  the  classics,  and  his 
genuine  love  of  books  is  pretty  well  established  by  contemporary 
evidence.  The  other  point  of  contact  for  us  lies  in  his  relations  with 
Monstereul,  and  the  role  he  played  in  the  latter's  development  along 
the  lines  of  Humanism.  In  this  case.  Col  taught  better  than  he 
knew,  for  Monstereul,  who  called  him  his  "  praeceptor,"  surpassed 
him  in  his  receptivity  of  the  new  spirit. 

The  connection  between  Col,  Monstereul  and  Clamanges,  and 
the  role  that  they  played  as  a  group,  in  the  early  development  of 
Humanism  in  France,  must  also  be  noted  as  well  as  the  importance 
played  by  the  diplomatic  position  of  Col  and  Monstereul,  in  throw- 
ing them  in  contact  with  the  Humanists.  It  seems  fairly  clear  that 
the  role  of  diplomatic  missions  must  not  be  disregarded  when  tracing 
the  introduction  of  Humanism  into  France. 

As  has  been  observed,  Col  has  left  little  literary  baggage, 
whether  as  regards  descriptions  of  his  missions  or  personal  letters. 


8i 

Yet  enough  can  be  gleaned  from  them  and  from  contemporary 
documents  to  get  a  fair  idea  of  the  sturdy  figure  of  the  bourgeois 
of  Sens,  diplomatic  agent  and  "carrier"  of  Humanism,  who  by  his 
class,  his  affiliations,  and  his  intellectual  sympathies,  foreshadows 
some  of  the  dominant  characteristics  of  the  following  literary  age. 


82 


APPENDICES 

Appendix  A 

Le  compte  de  Hemon  Ragnier  argentier  de  la  Royne  pour  un  an 
commengant  le  premier  jour  de  fevrier  1400  et  finissant  au  derre- 
nier  jour  de  Janvier  1401  tout  inclus. 

Archives  Nationales,  KK  42,  fol.  35  v°. 

A  Jehan  Tarenne  changeur  et  bourgoys  de  Paris  Pour  cent 
mars  de  vaisselle  d'argent  dore  prinse  et  achetee  de  luy  par  I'ordon- 
nance  de  la  Royne  et  qu'elle  a  donne  et  fait  presenter  de  par  elle 
C'est  assavoir  a  la  fille  de  Monsieur  le  Vidame  de  Laonnois  grant 
maistre  d'ostel  du  Roy  le  jour  de  ses  nopces  Ix™  de  ladite  vaisselle. 
A  la  fille  Maistre  Gontier  Col  pareillement  et  pour  semblable  cause 
xx™  et  a  Jehan  de  la  Barre  receveur  en  Languedoc  semblablement 
xx"*  lesquelles  parties  font  ensemble  lesditz  C""  de  vaisselle  que 
valent  au  pris  de  VIII  1.  parisis  chacun  marc  VIIPl.  p.  que  paiez  lui 
ont  este  par  vertu  des  lettres  de  mandement  de  ladite  dame  donnees 
le  XXVP  jour  de  fevrier  I'an  mil  CCCC  et  ung  et  par  quictance 
faicte  le  XV®  jour  d'avril  apres  Pasques  mil  CCCC  et  deux  tout  cy 
rendu  a  court. 

Appendix  B 

D'Hozier,  Pieces  originales,  vol,  807,  Piece  4.     (Bib.  nat.) 

Saichent  tuit  que  ie  Gontier  Col  congnoiz  avoir  eu  et  receu  de 
Jehan  le  franc  tresorier  du  Roy  nostresire  es  terres  que  souloit 
tenir  en  Normandie  le  Roy  de  Navarre  la  somme  de  Cent  quinze 
livres  tor.  que  mons.  Charles  de  Navarre  me  devoit  pour  la  vente 
bail  et  delivrance  de  six  hanaps  d'argent  dorez  et  esmailles  en  fons 
pesans  douze  mars  cinq  onces  quinze  esterlins  les  quelx  mon  dit 
seignour  a  euz  de  moi.  de  laquelle  somme  des  CXV  1.  t.  dessus  diz, 
je  me  tiens  a  bien  paie  et  en  quite  le  dit  mons.  Charles  le  dit  tresorier 
et  tons  autres.  Donne  soubs  mon  seel  et  sing  manuel  le  XXIIIP 
jour  de  fevrier  I'an  mil  CCCIIII" 

Gontier      (Sceau  pendant  en 
cire  rouge). 


83 

Appendix  C 
D'Hozier,  Pieces  originales,  vol.  807,  Piece  5.     (Bib.  nat.) 

Saichent  tuit  que  ie  Gontier  Col.  clerc  notaire  et  secretaire 
dii  Roy  nostresire.  Confesse  avoir  eu  et  receii  de  Nicolas  de  la 
Heze.  Recevetir  et  voyer  de  Mante  et  de  Meullent.  la  somme  de 
Cent  dix  niief  livres  dix  s.  par.  a  moy  dene,  pour  mes  gaiges  de 
six  s.  par.  par  iour  que  je  prengs  du  dit  seigneur  a  cause  de  mon 
office  de  notaire  et  pour  mes  manteaulx.  come  il  appert  par  deux 
cedules  de  la  Chambre  aux  deniers  d'ycellui  seigneur,  donnees 
I'une  le  XXP  de  Janvier.  MCCCIIIP''  et  VIII  et  I'autre  le  XV« 
de  Janvier  MCCCIIIP''  et  X  verifiees  en  la  chambre  des  comptes 
du  Roy  nostresire  a  Paris  le  XIIP  jour  de  novembre  MCCCIIII" 
et  XIII. -De  laquelle  somme  de  cent  dix  nuef  livres  dix  s.  par.  a 
moy  payee  par  le  dit  Receveur  et  voyer  par  vertu  du  mand  (ement) 
dudit  seigneur  donreceut  (sic)  a  messieurs  les  tresoriers  de  f ranee 
donne  le  XXIX«  iour  doct  (obre)  I'an  MCCCIIII"  et  XIII.  ex- 
pedie  par  yceulx  tresoriers  et  ataiche  aux  diz  mand  (emens)  et 
cedules  le  XVIIP  de  mars.  I'an  MCCCIIII"  et  treze  Je  me  tieng 
pour  bien  content  et  paye  et  en  quitte  le  Roy  nostre  dit  seigneur, 
ledit  Receveur  et  voyer  et  touz  autres.  tesmoing  mon  seel  et  signe 
manuel  mis  a  ces  presentes.  Escriptes  de  ma  main  le  XXIP  jour 
du  dit  moys  de  mars,  mil  CCCIIIP''  et  treze.  dessus  dit. 

Gontier       (Sceau  pendant 
en  cire  rouge.) 
Appendix  D 

The  two  following  Latin  letters  are  those  mentioned  on  page  63  of  the 
text.  The  first  is  described  as  follows  in  the  Catalogue  General  des  Manuscrits 
des  Bibliofhcques  Publiques  de  France  [vol.  XXXVII  (1905).  Tours,  par  M. 
Collon,  p.  703,  No.  978,  Recueil  II].  "  Correspondance  d'Ambroise  de  Miliis 
avec  Gontier  (Probablement  Gonthier  Col,  ambassadeur  de  Charles  VI).  .  .  . 
3"  Fol.  60.  Lettre  de  Gonthier  a  Ambroise  de  Miliis  pour  le  blamer  de  sa  con- 
duite  a  I'egard  de  Jean,  prevot  de  Lille." 

Immediately  following  it  will  be  found  the  letter  published  in  the  Opera 
Omnia  of  Nicolas  de  Clamanges  (pp.  33-36),  written  sub  nomine  Gunthcri  Colli, 
that  bears  such  a  striking  textual  resemblance  to  the  foregoing. 

lustum  erat  Ambrosi,  si  saperes  aut  boni  in  te  viri  imaginem 
ostendere  velles  te  tuis  benefactoribus  grati  animi  vicem  rependere 
nee  pro  impensis  tibi  beneficiis  tot  eos  maledictis  et  convitiis  inces- 


84 

sere  aut  si  morem  nature  gerens  ingratus  esse  decreveras  alium  pro- 
fecto  querere  debebas  (ad  quern?)  tua  criminatoria  scripta  tot  in 
Johannem  prepositum  Insulani  iniurias  euomentia  dirigeres.  |  Nee 
me  tue  ingratitudinis  astipulatorem  talia  michi  de  meo  amico  et 
singulari  amico  scribens  significasse  videreris.  Satis  tibi  esse  opor- 
tuerat  ab  uno  te  iura  fidei  |  legem  benevolentie  federe  amicicie  vio- 
lari  absque  hoc  quod  alios  ab  isto  infamj  vitio  abhorrentes  tecum  in 
suspicionem  et  consortium  perfidie  consimilis  adscisceres.  Sed 
quamquam  me  eo  ipso  a  te  lesum  putem  quod  me  potissime  delegisti 
ad  quem  tanta  de  amicissimo  probra  conscriberes  que  etsi  digna  tuo 
ore  duxisti  et  meis  tamen  auribus  et  suis  moribus  indignissima  sunt 
omictam  tamen  iam  de  mea  lesione  dicere  et  ad  causam  amici  veniam 
et  quam  si  verus  et  integer  eius  amicus  sum  ut  certe  sum  non  secus 
atque  meam  putare  debeo.  Non  inficiaberis  ut  opinor  lohannem 
de  te  optime  meritum  quod  si  perges  inficiarj  omnes  pene  qui  te 
noverunt.  Ymo  vero  sol  ipse  qui  tantam  ipsius  in  te  benevolentiam 
vidit  testimonium  adversus  te  dicturi  sunt  nemo  est  enim  pene  qui 
tot  eius  in  te  officia  1  tot  tui  commendaciones  |  tot  pro  te  interces- 
siones  nesciat.  Scio  ego  scis  tu  ipse  sciunt  plures  sua  et  mea 
precipue  instancia  factum  esse  |  ut  tu  pauper  inops  alienigena 
miserabilis  potius  quam  invidiosus  illius  incliti  principis  famulatum- 
que  nunc  tantopere  extolleris  adipiscereris  cum  ilium  et  me  quotidie 
pro  aliquo  servicio  impetrando  tot  supplicibus  precibus  fatigares 
tot  importunitatibus  obtunderes.  Taceo  domum  lohannis  non  aliter 
quam  sibimet  ipsi  tibi  semper  patuisse  et  tuarum  miseriarum  ac  in- 
opiarum  profugium  fuisse  nee  dico  quam  familiariter  quam  liberali- 
ter  quam  festive  quam  lepide  quam  amice  domus  ilia  exceperit  et 
tractarit.  Omicto  et  ea  narrare  que  de  eius  in  te  amore  et  honore 
singulariter  ipse^  |  vel  maxime  comperta  habeo  cum  mecum  sepius 
et  familiarius  de  hiis  rebus  quam  cum  alio  quopiam  loqueretur 
quibus  te  ad  astra  laudibus  efferebat  quam  creber  et  assiduus  de  te 
illi  sermo  erat  quantum  tuam  humilitatem  tuam  modestiam  tuos 
gestus  tuos  mores  nundum  apprime  cognitos  commendabat.  Quan- 
tum tuam  eloquenciam  nundum  caninam  effectam  venerabatur  quo- 
modo  te  in  literarie  et  stili  accuratione  supra  quam  res  et  Veritas 
erant  exaltabat.  ut  vel  sic  tuae  inopie  per  aliquam  promotionem 
1  [Fol.  6o  verso.] 


85 

subveniret.  Quomodo  illo  suo  visceroso  et  flagranti  affectu  suo  cor- 
diali  et  sincere  more  omnia  tua  ampliabat  |  et  <ut'>  tue  necessitati 
simul  que  utilitati  consuleret  in  maius  ferebat.  |  Pro  hiis  tot  in  te 
erogatis  beneficiis  et  plerisque  aliis  que  enarrare  longum  esset  num 
quid  a  te  nunc  une  optimo  contempni  meretur  |  et  tot  impure  lingue 
contumelias  audire.  que  eo  sibi  graviora  sunt  quod  te  non  auctorem 
talium  sed  si  ab  alio  in  eum  dicerentur  futurum  certe  vindicem  et 
fidum  in  repellendo  adiutorem  sperabat  |  nee  certe  ego  ipse  aliter 
sperassem.  Sed  tu  votis  suis  et  spe  mentem  bonam  sepe  falli 
docuisti.  Itaque  non  tibi  uni  hac  tua  petulancia  offuisti  sed  |  multis 
aliis  exteris  advenisque  et  tuis  presertim  conregionalibus  ac  popu- 
laribus  quorum  verbis  aut  votis  nos  gallici  tuo  exemplo  edocti  non 
tarn  facilem  de  postero  fidem  habebimus  veriti  scilicet  ne  quod  in 
te  experti  sumus  anguis  aliquis  cauda  percuciens  in  herba  lateat. 
Quod  si  prior  ipse  te  lesisset  |  si  ulla  in  te  signa  non  dico  digni 
animi  sed  minus  solito  amici  aut  benivoli  perdidisset  aliquo  tamen 
saltem  pallio  tua  convicia  tegerentur  Nunc  vero  quod  nichil  lesus 
nichil  abeo  jniurie  passus  |  tarn  virulenta  et  procaci  oratione  in  eum 
Repente  jnvasisti  omnia  pene  flagiciorum  genera  que  tuus  fecundus 
animus  excogitare  potuit  in  eius  contumeliam  coacervando  tuum 
tand<em>  nobis  ingenium  diucius  celatum  aperiusti  tuam  frontem 
diu  obductam  exporrexisti  tui  animi  latebras  et  archana  longua 
simulacione  contecta  in  lucem  eduxisti.  Unde  magne  merito  gratie 
tibi  ab  eo  habende  sunt  quod  tandem  apud  se  fingere  desisti  et 
qualis  animo  esses  talis  lingua  et  vultu  esse  cepisti.  Nam  quam 
frivola  ilia  sit  occasio  qua  nescio  quando  verba^  |  quedam 
acerbiora  in  te  eum  protulisse  Refers  verba  ipsa  satis  demo- 
strant  nuper  inquis  me  meum  negotium  serio  agentem  interpel- 
lans  I  quia  non  ilico  missis  omnibus  nugis  suis  responsa  ferebam 
in  verba  iniuriosa  prosiluit  |  meque  michi  ipsi  natum  cum  im- 
properio  obiecit.  O  acerbam  contumeliam  |  o  nefarium  verbum 
capitalique  merito  supplicio  plectendum.  Redi  queso  paulisper  ad 
te-0-Ambrosi  et  discussa  animi  tui  caligine  tecum  tandem  cogita 
utrum  tanta  in  amicum  tuum  maledicta  pro  hac  unica  voce  libere  et 
confidenter  ut  amicorum  verba  decet  emissa  congerere  debuisti  | 
Nonne  et  suis  ex  meritis  et  jure  amicicie  tantum  sibi  apud  te  licere 
-  [Fol.  6i  recto.] 


86 

poterat  |  ut  unum  illud  verbum  sine  tanta  tua  stomacacione  enun- 
ciaret.  Si  hac  lege  amicos  habere  vis  |  ut  apud  te  non  loquantur. 
nisi  prefinito  et  que  tibi  placeant  Vide  |  ne  amicis  orbatus  loco 
eorum  assentatores  amplectaris  qui  te  in  tuis  erroribus  palpando 
foueant  |  et  iuxta  comici  verbum  ex  stulto  insanum  faciant.  Quis 
nescit  in  amiciciis  verissimis  sepe  verborum  votorum  animorum  dis- 
sentiones  sepe  reprehensiones  objurgaciones  interuenire  quibus  non 
solum  non  tollitur  amicicia  sed  potius  proficitur  atque  integratur. 
Quod  ipsum  eciam  comicum  vite  humane  sagacissimum  expressorem 
non  latuit  |  amancium  inquit  ire  amoris  integratio  est.  |  A  quo  enim 
objurgacionem,  aut  castigacionem  equo  animo  accipies  |  si  ab  amico 
nolis.  Quomodo  autem  ab  amico  castigacionem  feres  si  unam  ab  eo 
sententiam  paulo  asperiorem  et  tuo  placito  aduersantem  non 
tuleris.  Nihil  ergo  est  quod  iuste  causeris  occasionem  tibi  ab  eo 
tam  inimice  insectacionis  aut  mendose  vituperacionis  obiectam  |  sed 
tuus  aut  invidia  adversus  eum  aut  egritudine  alia  tabescens  animus 
suique  morbi  iam  prevalentis  ulterius  impaciens  |  hanc  tandem  oc- 
casionem fluxam  levem  invalidum  et  ut  pro  Re  digna  verba  dicam 
perversam  et  iniustam  commentus  est  qua  id  quod  diu  conceperat 
et  intra  se  aluerat  parturiret.  Et  tuam  forte  scientiam  ostentare 
voluisti  qui  lohannem  de  ignorancia  tam  amara  inuectione  coarguis. 
Scilicet  probe  docuisti  te  scire  conuiciarj  maledicere  amicos  calump- 
niarj  scelera  et  mendacia  in  eos  |  fingere  quas  artes  sacius  fuerat 
non  edidicisse^  |  vel  si  animo  inheserant  illic  melius  recondite  latuis- 
sent  quam  in  amicorum  et  innocencium  suggillacionem  exerceren- 
tur.  Nolo  autem  nunc  particularia  opprobia-que  in  eum  iacularis 
actingere  |  quia  et  res  prolixior  esset  cum  de  hoc  longam  texueris 
inuectiuam  et  Responso  nichil  opus  est  cum  a  tuis  calumpniis  sua 
satis  eum  defendat  integritas.  |  Quamquam  si  res  purgacione  vel 
responso  digna  esset  |  et  te  quoque  non  jndignum  indicaret  cum  quo 
sibi  contentio  suscipi  deberet  facile  satis  sibi  erat  tua  iacula  in  caput 
tuum  Retorquere  et  ut  apud  Persium  est  |  mordaci  Radere  vero 
auriculas  |  Nee  desunt  alij  eiusdem  amici  quibus  si  talia  de  eo 
scripsisses  tibi  |  a  tergo  longe  aliter  quam  presens  portat  pagina 
Rescripsissent.  Vale  et  si  tue  lingue  ac  stilo  frenos  apponere  nescis 
I  Vide  tamen  si  mihi  credis  deinceps  considerantius  in  quam  partem 
tue  habene  laxabuntur. 
3  [Fol.  6i  verso.] 


87 

Nicolai  de  Clemangiis,  Opera  Omnia,  Lydius  edition  Lugduni 
Batavorum,  cb  be  XIII  pp.  33-36.  Epistola  VIL  Sub  Nomine 
Gimtheri  Colli  regij  Secretarij,  ad  eimdem  Ambrosium  scripta; 
suae^  ingratitudinis  in  lohannem  Praepositum  Insulensem  increpa- 
toria.* 

lustum^  erat  Ambrosi,  si  saperes,  aiit  boni  in  te  viri  imaginem 
velles  ostendere,  te  tuis  benefactoribus  grati  animi  vicem  rependere 
nee  pro  impensis  tibi  beneficijs  maledictis  illos  conuitijsq;'  incessere, 
Aut  si*  ingratus  esse  decreueras,  alium  vtique  qiioerere^  debebas, 
ad  quern  tua  criminatoria  scripta,  tot  in  lohannem  Praepositum  In- 
sulanum  iniurias  euomentia  dirigeres.  Nee®  me^  tali  abhorrentem 
vitio,  tuae  ingratitudinis  adstipulatorem,®  talia  mihi  de  meo  amieo® 
singulari  amico  seribens  insinuasse  videreris."  Satis  tibi  esse  opor- 
tuerat  ab  uno  te,  iura  fidei,  legem  beneuolentie,^^  foedus^-  amicitiae^^ 
violari.  Absque  hoe  quod  alios  immeritos  a  tantisque  peruersitati- 
bus  alienos  teeum  in  suseeptionem^'*  vel  eonsortium^^  perfidiae^* 
eonsimilis  adseiseeres.  Sed  quamquam  me  eo  ipso  a  te  non  medi- 
oeriter  lesum  putem,  quod  me  potissimum  delegisti,  ad  quem  talia  de 
amieissimo  eonseriberes :  quae^^  et  si  digna  tuo  ore  aut  thalamo^* 
duxisti,  et  meis  tamen  erant  auribus,  &  suis  moribus  indignissima. 
Omittam  tamen  de  mea  laesione^^  dieere,  &^*'  ad  eausam  mei  amiei 
veniam :  quam  si  verus  atque  integer  illius  amicus  sum,^^  non  secus 
atq;  meam  aestimare"^  debeo.  Imo^*  eo  magis  quam  propriam 
curare,  quo  honestius  de  amieorum  iniuria,  quam  de  nostra  labora- 
mus.     Non  infieiaberis,  vt  opinor,  loannem  optime-'*  de  te  meritum, 

*  Foot-notes  show  variant  readings  found   in  ms.   lat.  3127,   fol.    13  recto — 

fol.   14  recto,  Bibliothcque  Nationale. 

1  sue.  ^^  amicicie. 

2  14  suspicionem. 

3  conviciisque  lacessere.  ^^  consorcium. 

*  si  morem  nature  gerens.  i"  perfidie. 
5  querere.  ^^  que. 

8  Ne.  ^^  calamo. 

^  a  me.  ^^  les-. 

8  stipulatorem.  ^°  ad  causamque. 

8  et  de  meo :  et  singulari  amico.  ^i  give  non. 

^o  videris.  ^^  extimare. 

11  beni-.  ^^  Ymo. 

12  f  edus.  ^*  Johannem  de  te  optime. 


88 

quod  si  ausu  impudentissimo  perges  inficiari,  non  modo  pene  omnes, 
qui  ambos  nouerunt,  testimoniu  aduersus  te  dicent,  sed  sol  ipse: 
suae^'^  per  dies  beneuolentiae^^  testis  assistet:  Luna  autem  atque 
sydera  per  noctes  Quis  enim  nescit,  domum  lohannis,  non  aliter 
atq.^'  sibimet  ipsi  die  noctuq;  tibi  patuisse,  tuarumque  miseriarum 
atque  inopiarum  perfugium  fuisse:  quam**  familiariter,  quam 
liberaliter,  quamque""  festiue,  iocunde,  lepide  domus  ilia  te  exceperit 
&  tractarit  P^"  Tantumne  de  laetheo^^  flumine  bibisti  ut  obliuisci 
potueris  sua  meaque  instantia^'  atque  opera  factum  esse  ut  illius 
clarissimi  principis  famulatum,  quo  tantopere  modo  insolescis^' 
adipiscereris  ?  Cum  tu  pauper,  inops  alienigena,  miserabilis  potius" 
quam  inuidiosus,  me  atque  ilium,  supplici  prece,  assidua  postu- 
latione,^'^  incredibilique  importunitate,^**  pro  aliquo  tibi  impetrando 
seruitio  quotidie^^  obtunderes?  Tuaene^®  memoriae^^  tam  cito  ex- 
ciderunt  tot  illius  in  te  officia,  tot  tui  laudes,  &  commendationes  :*" 
tot  pro  te  apud  quoscumque  poterat  intercessiones.  Omitto  ilia 
commemorare,  quae^^  de  illius  in  te  amore,  studio,  affectu,  honore, 
singulariter  prae  multis  alijs  comperta  habeo.  Cum  saepius"  ac 
familiarius  quam  cum  quouis  alio  de  ijs*^  rebus  mecum  loqueretur, 
quantum  tuam  humilitatem,  tuam  modestiam,  tuos  gestus,  tuos 
mores,  nundum**  apprime  cognitos  commendebat.  Quinimo*^  creber 
imo*®  assiduus,  de  te  illi  sermo  erat,  quibus  te  ad  coelum  laudibus 
efferebat,  quantum*^  [fol  13  verso]  tuam  eloquentiam  (nundum*® 
caninam)  extolebat  :'*^  quomodo  te  in  litteris,  &  styli^"  cultu,  supra 
quam  res  aut  Veritas  erat  exaltabat :  quomodo  illo  suo  visceroso 
ingentique  affectu  omnia  tua  in  maius  augebat.  quo  vel  sic  tuae" 

25  sue.  "  -rie. 

-®  benivolente.  *^  -clones. 

'^  ac.  *^  que. 

28  desunt.  ^  se. 

'^dccst.  "his. 

•*^  tractauerit.  **  non-. 

'1  letheo.  ■••'•  Quam. 

'2 -cia.  ♦"ymo. 

"  nunc  imtumescis.  *'  Note  deleted. 

'■•  pocius.  <8  non-. 

•5  -clone.  *8  extollebat 

'"  opportunitate.  'o  stilt. 

'"'  dcest.  '1  tue. 

»8  Tue. 


89 

indigentiae*^"  per  aliqtiam  posset  promotionem^^  esse  consultum. 
Non  tiia  tarn  liibrica  tunc  erat  memoria,  cum^*  tanta  promittebas 
beneficia,  nullo  iimquam  tepore  a  tiia  mente  labi :  cu''  obsequium, 
gratitudine  mutiia  vice  relaturum'^®  spondebas.  Pro  ijsne"^^  qiioeso 
tantis  in  te  cumulatis  meritis  &  alijs  plaenisque'^*  quae  longum  nimis 
esset  enumerare,  iure  a  te  contemni^^  meruerat,  totq  impurissimae"" 
linguae*'^  contumelias  audire?  Quae*^"  idcirco  ipsi®'  grauiora  sunt, 
quod  talium  te  nequaqua  auctorem,  sed  si  ab  altero  in  eum  iaceren- 
tur''*  fidum  in  repellendo  adiutorem  futurum  sperabat :  nee  ipse 
tente**^  aliter  sperassem,  Sed  tu  varum  esse  docuisti,  quod  Poeta 
Elegiacus^"  ait : 

Fallitur  augurio  meus  bona  saepe*'^  suo."^  Tu  itaque  hac  tua 
petulantia/^  non  tibi  uni  obfuisti/°  verum  multis'^^  exteris,  aduenis- 
que,''^  conregionalibus  ac  popularibus,  quorum  verbis  aut  promis- 
sionibus/'  veriti  scilicet  ne  quod  in  te  sumus  experti,  anguis  aliquis 
Cauda  percutiens  in  herba  latitet.  Quod  si  prior  ipse  te  laessisset,'* 
si  vlla  in  te  signa,  non  dico  alienati  animi,  sed  minus  solito  amici, 
aut  beneuoli,"  prodidisset :  aliquo^"  saltern  pallio  tua  insectatio 
tegeretur.  Nunc  vero,  quod  nihil  laesus,"  nihil  ab  eo  iniuriae'^* 
passus,  tarn  virulenta  procaciq.  oratione  in  ilium  repente  inuasisti, 
omnia  fere  criminu  genera,  quae^^  tuus  faecundus^"  animus  excogi- 
tare  preualuit,  in  ilium  iaciens,  tuum  tandem  nobis  ingenium 
diutius®^  celatum  atque  obtectum,  palam  ex  latebroso  inuoloto^" 
euoluisti,  tuam  frontam  longius  obductam  exporrexisti,  tui  praeg- 

52  -cie.  «9  -lancia. 

*3  -cionem.  ''o  offuisti. 

''■*  quando.  "i  multis  aliis. 

''^  quando.  ''•  aduenisque  tuis  tamen  precipue. 

5^  relaturum  te.  ''3  promissionibus     nos     Galli     tuo 

'^  his.  exemplo    edocti,    non    tam    f  acilem    de 

osplerisque  que.  postero  fidem  habebimus. 

^^  contempni.  ''*  les-. 

^°  -sime.  75  beni-. 

'^  -gue.  '^8  aliquo  tamen. 

•-  Que.  T'  lesus. 

"'  sibi.  T8  .fie 

**  dicerentur.  to  qyg 

85  de  te  ;  certe.  so  fej.. 

'"  eliRiacus.  8i  -cius. 

^^  sepe.  82  inuolocru,   involucre. 

•8  cf.  Ovid.  Hes.  i6.  234. 


90 


nantis  cordis  arcana,®^  longa  simultatione**  contecta,  aliquando  in 
lucem  effudisti :  hac*^  super  re,  magnae^®  ab  illo  tibi  merito  haben- 
dae"*^  gratiae  sunt :  quod  tandum  apud  ipsum^®  fingere  desijsti,  Et 
qualis  animo  eras,  talis  lingua,  vultu,  calamo  esse  caepisti :®®  quod 
fraudem,  dolum,  fallaciam,®"  duplicitatem  parras^^  (vt  ait  Ver- 
gilius)"^  Ligurum  artes,  apud  ipsum^^  tadem  aperuisti,  apud  alios 
fortassis  etia  nuc  obtectas,  (quo  nuda  &  aperta  cerneret^*  veritate, 
quale  erat  amicum  sortitus.)  Nam  quam  friuola  ilia  sit  occasio, 
qua  nescio  cum^^  verba  quaedam'"^  acerbiora  in  te  ilium  protulisse 
causaris,  verba  ipsa  apertius®^  ostendunt :  Nuper  inquis  me  meum 
negotium"^  serio  agentem''^  interpellans,  quia  non  ilico^''"  missis  om- 
nibus, nugis  ipsius"^  responsa  ferebam,  in  verba  iniuriosa  prosi- 


luit,'"'   meq'°' 


iniuriarij^"*   cum   iurgio   obiecit.     O   acerbam   con- 


tumeliam,  o  nefarium  improperium  capitalique  merito  supplicio 
plectedum.  Redi  quaeso^°^  paulisper  ad  te  o  Ambrosi,  discussaque 
animi  tui  caligine,"®  tecum"^  tandem  cogita,  utrum  ne  tanta  in 
amicum  maledicta  pro  hac  vna  voce  libere  ac  fiducialiter  emissa, 
sicuit  inter  amicos  licet  congerere  atque  euomere  debueris.  Nonne^°* 
&  iure  amicitiae"^  &  suis  tantis  in  te  meritis,  turn  ista  apud  te  dicere 
sibi  licere  debebat,  tum,  te  ilia  patienter""  audire  decebat.  Si  hac 
lege  habere  amicos  vis,  vt  apud  te  non  loquantur,  nisi  praefinito^^^ 
&  que^^"  tibi  placeant.  Vide  ne  amicis  orbatus  loco  eorum  assenta- 
tores  amplectaris,  qui  te  palpando  in  errore  foueant.  Tuxtaque 
Comici  sententiam,"^  ex  stulto  insanum  faciant.^"     Quis  ignorat  in 


83  archana. 

84  simulacione  (simula?). 

85  Qua. 
88  magne. 

8^  habende  sunt  gre. 

88  sc. 

8»  ccp-. 

^°  f  allaciam  :  dolum. 

"^  patrias. 

"  Vir.  Aen.  XL  716. 

"se. 

^*  cerneres. 

''•'•  quando. 

88  quedam. 

"^  apercius. 

88  r.egocium. 

»"  Note  deleted. 


uirg 


00  illico. 

°^  suis. 

••^  prosiliit  meque  uni  natum  cum 

lio  obiecit   (sic). 

03  Note  deleted. 

0*  iniurijs. 

05  queso. 

°«  calligine. 

°^  tandem  tecum. 

0^^  Note  deleted. 

08  amicicic. 

^0  pacienter. 

11  pref-. 

"  que. 

^8  Terence.     Eunuchus.  2.  2.  23. 

1*  Note  deleted. 


91 


veris  amicitijs"^  maximan  patere  libertatem  loquendi,  arguendi, 
repraehendendi,  objurgandi :  magnas  quoque  soepe^^^  interuenire"^ 
dissentiones,"®  quibus  non  tollitiir  amicitia/"  sed  magis  perficitur 
arque  integratur.  Quod  etiam  ipsum^-''  Comicum.  vitae  humanae"^ 
sagicissimum  expressorem,  minime  latuit,  cum  dixit  :^"  Amantium 
irae.^^^  amoris  redintegratio^"*  est.  A  quo  obiurgatione  vel  cas- 
tigatione^"  (aequo  animo  accipies  si  ab  amico  nolis?  Ouemad- 
modum^-"  autem  ab  amico  castigationem)^-^  feres  si  vnum  verbum 
paulo  asperius,  tuoque  placito  aduersum,  non  tuleris :  nihil  ergo  est 
quod  iuste  obtendas  accusationem^"*  tibi  ab  es  tarn  inimicoe^"®  accusa- 
tionis,  tamque^^**  criminosae^^^  [fol.  14  recto]  vituperationis"-  obiec- 
tam:  Sed  tuus  aut  inuidia  adversus  eum,  aut  aegritudine"'  alia^" 
turbatus  animus,  &  ipsa  sua  turbatione"^  non  satis  rationi  obsequens, 
nee  frenis  se  moderationis  cohibere  praeualens,  quod  iamdudum  in 
se  conceperat,  atque  intra  se  clausum  aluerat,  tanden  more  ulterioris 
impatiens  parturire  voluit,  forasque  effundere  :  utque  aliqua  specie"® 
excusationis"'  suam  culpam  palliaret,  hanc  infirmam  occasionem, 
cum  firmiorem  habere"*  non  posset,  tanta"®  effundendae"''  maHgni- 
tatis  excogitauit.  Tuam  ante  scientiam"^  vt  arbitror^*"  ostetare  volu- 
isti  qui  loannem"^  de  ignorantia"*  taamara  inuectione  redarguis. 
SciHcet  probre"'  docuisti,  te  scire  conuitiari,^*^mordere,  maledicere, 
calumniari.mendacia  in  amicos^*^&crimina  fingere,  quae^^*  non  tam 
doctorum  sunt  hominum  quam  malarum  ac  perfidorum :  quas  pro- 


*^'  amiciciis. 

11*  sepe. 

^^^  animorum. 

^^8  -clones. 

^^^  -cicia. 

^20  ipsum  etiam. 

^21  vite  humane. 

122  Terence :  Andria  3.  3.  23. 

*-3  ire. 

^2<  integracio. 

125  -cionem. 

i2«  desunt. 

12'  quomodo 

128  obtendat  occasionem. 

129  inimice  -cionis. 

130  -nose. 

131  Note  deleted. 


132  -cionis  obtectam. 

133  pjyj'-_ 

13*  al   (aliter?). 

135  -cione. 

138 spe  (sans  abbreviation). 

13T  -cionis. 

138  invenire. 

138  tante. 

1*0  -dende. 

1*1  ut  arbitror   sententiam. 

1*2  Xote  deleted. 

1*3  Johannem. 

1**  -rancia. 

1*5  probe. 

i<«  -ciari. 

!*■  animos. 


92 

fecto  artes  sat  vW*^  fuerat  non  edidicisse,  vel  si  animo  memori- 
aeq;"°  tenacius  haerebant/"  melius  illic  reconditae^"  latuissent,  qua 
in  amicorum,  innocentumq ;  suggillatione"^  foras  erumperet.  Sed 
tibi  forte  animos  eloquentia"*  tollit.  Si  illam  cum  sapientia  haberes, 
doceret  ipsa  sapietia  non  te  inde^"  extolli  oportere.^"'^  Si  vero  sine 
sapientia  habes,  docet  te  Tullius^^^  talem  eloquentiam  ciuitatibus 
ac  rebuspublicis  esse  pernitiosam.^^^  Quomodo  autem  cum  isto 
f olleo  pectore,  atque  maliuolo  animo  sapientiam""  habere  potes : 
cum  scriptum  sit :  In  maleuolam^""^  animam  non  intrabit^"^  sapientia. 
Porro  cum  Philosophi  definiant  sapientiam/*^-  rerum  diuinarum 
humanarumque  esse  notitiam,  de  qua  potes  gloriari  sapietia  ut 
aliorum  ita  exaggeres  ignorantiam,"^  qui  ipsam  satis^**  Gramatica 
vix  es  assecutus?  Nam  de  arte  quidem  Rhetorica^^^  quid  aliud 
quatum  ad  te  attinet  dicam,  nisi  quod  facilius  si  sobrie  saperes,  tua 
in  ilia  arte  vitia^^°  tuosque  errores,  ab  alijs  fortassis  agnitos,  ipse 
forte*"  posses  agnoscere.*^® 

Nolo  ante  nunc  particulatim  singula"®  quae  in  loanne*'"  iacu- 
laris  opprobria*^*  attingere,  quoniam  ea*"  res  prolixior  esset,  cum 
logam  inde  texueris  inuectiuam,  &  nihiP"  videtur  responso*"*  opus 
esse,  cii  a  tuis  obtrectationibus"*  sua  satis  illij  defendat*'"  inte- 
gritas.*"  Quamquam  si  res  purgatione  vel  responso  digna  esset, 
&  te  quoque  non  indignum  indicaret,  cum  quo  sibi  cotentio  suscipi 
deberet,  facile  satis  ipsi*'*  erat,*^®  tua  in  caput  tuii  iacula  retor- 
quere,  tuasque  (ut  apud*®°  Persium  est) — mordaci  rodere  ferro*" 
Auriculas. 

^•"'satius,  sacius.  ^«' rethorica. 

150  -rieque.  ^"  vicia. 

^'^  here-.  ^"^  deest. 

^'2  -dite.  ^'^  cognoscere. 

158  suggillacioni  (sic).  i^^  fimgula    (sic)    (simgula?) 
'•'■'■' Note  deleted.  ^^°  Johannem. 

185  deest.  1^1  obprobria. 

""  opportere.  '^''^  ti. 

"7  tulius.  i'3  nichil. 

"8  -ciosam.  ^^*  responso  videtur  opus  esse  cum. 

159  -ciam.  i''5  -cionibus. 
"Omaliuolam.  i^8  deflFendat. 

i«i  introibit.  i^^  integitas   (sic). 

1*2  diffiniant  sapienciam.  *^^  deest. 

1"  -ciam.  "0  foret. 

184  vix   es   grammaticam  satis   as-  i""  Pers.  i.  107. 

secutus.  ^®^  radere  verbo. 


93 

Nee  desunt  alij  ipsius  amici,  qiiibus  si  talia  de  illo  scripsisses, 
aliter  ac^*"  praesens  portat  pagina,  tibi  rescripsissent.  Vale,  &  vide 
ne  illi  versus  Vergiliani^**^  in  alium  moribus  &  patria  tui  similem 
scripti  te  respiciant,  tibique  merito  possint  aptari. 

Vane^®*  ligus,  frustri^®°  nimis^**'  elate  superbis. 

Nec^"  qnicquam  patrias  tentasti^*^  lubricus  artes.^®^ 

i82quam.  i^e  animis. 

183  virgiliani.  i87  Ne. 

18*  Vane   Ligur,   frusfraque   animi  i^s  temptasti. 

elate  superbis.    Vide  Aeneid  lib.  ii.  1^9  Aen.  XI.  715,  716. 
185  frustraque. 


94 


APPENDIX   E 

Bibliotheque  Natiomale.  Ms.  latin  13062.  fol.  69.  ro — fol. 
75.  vo. 

The  letter  is  long  and  tedious,  made  up  of  endless  repetitions  and 
redundancies  in  which  Jehan  de  Monstereul's  wrath  finds  vent.  It 
is  of  little  value  to  us,  save  for  the  passages  cited  below. 

For  reference  to  quotation  from  Vergil,  fol.  72.  verso. 

Maxime  nobis  gallis  horum  nesciis  quin/prorsus  ea  abhorren- 
tibus  ut/scopulos,  debuisses  nempe  si  quid  sensus  inesset,  tuis  dum- 
taxat  similibus,  talium  quidem  artificiosissimus  talia/reservasse 
apud  quos  hec  sententia  publice  locum  habet,  aliud  in  pectore,  aliud 
in  lingua  promptum  habere,  dicere  unum  et  aliud  facere,  et  ubi 
tandem  decipere  legitime  est  mercari,  de/cuiuscomodi  mercurii 
doctoris  tui  sententiis  eas  te  dudum  comprobantem  reprehendi  et 
extunc  pro/tuisque  nonnullis  aliis  obprobriis  illud  tibi  maronianum 
me/recolo/  scriptonenus  impinxisse.  Vane/ligur,  frustaque  animis 
elate  superbis,  nequiquam  patrias  temptasti  lubricus  artes.^ 

Passing  references  to  the  Ligurian  are  to  be  found  as  follows : 

fol.  70.  verso. 

.  .  et  denique  quod  sui  de/simillimo  liguro  alio  tullius  pridem 
ait. 

fol.  71.  recto. 

.  .  te  rogaverim  gonthere  mi  .  .  .  ne  huic  assueto  malo  liguri 
canante  virgilio  acetero  (?)  credas  vel  confidas  .  ,  . 

fol.  74.  verso. 

.  .  perfidiam  liguris  .  .  . 

fol.  75.  recto. 

Meminisse  necesse  est,  tametsi  melius  me  tutemet  scias,  optime 
mi  gonthere,  et/pluries  pluribus  recitasti,  te  scilicet  de  isto  ligure 
nullatenus  habuisse  notionem,  aut  pro/eo  intercessisse  quoquo  pacto, 
nisi  per  me.  nisi  mea  monitione,  mea/prece,  et  inductu. 

1  Virgil  Aenead  11:  716. 


95 


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results,  or  books  that,  like  Lasteyrie's  bibliography,  have  served  to  refer  me  to 
sources  that  have  proved  useful.  As  the  dissertation  was  finished  by  April,  1916, 
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Valois."    Paris,  1837-38. 
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Paris,  1660. 
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lOI 

Manuscript  Sources 

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Bibliotheque  nationale,  D'Hozier.     Pieces  originales,  vol.  807,  Pieces  4;  5. 
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61  verso. 


VITA 

Le  Due,  Alma  de  L.,  born  in  Chicago,  Illinois,  September  20, 
1878;  elementary  and  secondary  education  received  in  New  Orleans, 
of  which  city  her  parents  were  residents.  First  two  years  of  col- 
lege work:  Newcomb  College,  New  Orleans,  Louisiana;  Ph.B.  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago,  1899.  Taught  French  and  Spanish  at  Kansas 
State  University,  1 900-1 907  (leave  of  absence  spent  in  Paris, 
1903-1904).  Palmes  academiques,  1907;  scholarship  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago,  1 907-1 908,  where  she  taught  French  one  quar- 
ter. Columbia  University,  A.  M.  1909;  holder  of  the  European  Fel- 
lowship of  the  Association  of  Collegiate  Alumnae  for  1909-19 10 — 
year  spent  in  Paris — Eleve  titulaire  de  TEcole  des  Hautes  Etudes, 
1910.  Private  research  work,  University  of  Chicago,  1910-1911. 
Instructor  in  French,  Smith  College,  1911-1916.  Leave  of  ab- 
sence (Columbia  University)  1914-1915.  Ph.D.  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, 19 16.     Instructor  in  French,  Barnard  College,  19 16- 


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